Non-State Actors on the IDPs in Kachin: Provision of Humanitarian Assistance and Protection of Justice

Author(s):  
D. Moon Awng
Author(s):  
Stephen Biddle

Military effectiveness is defined as the ability to produce favorable military outcomes per se, incluuding the outcomes of minor skirmishes at the tactical level of war and the outcomes of wars or even long-term politico-military competitions at the strategic or grand strategic levels of war. An alternative, narrower definition equates “effectiveness” with skill, the ability to make the most of one’s material resources, or qualities such as “integration” and “responsiveness.” Regardless of definition, military effectiveness is a central issue for international relations and lies at the heart of key policy debates. Until very recently, military effectiveness had generated little sustained interest from scholars. However, a new generation of academics, armed with new methodologies and analytical approaches, has begun to pay more attention to the subject. Contemporary literature on effectiveness describes three classes of candidate determinants: numerical preponderance, technology, and force employment. Despite increasing attention to effectiveness per se and to non-material contributors to effectiveness, especially force employment, many topics deserve further consideration in future research. These include maritime warfare, amphibious warfare, space warfare, and cyber warfare, chemical, biological, or nuclear combat operations; effectiveness in non-combat missions such as peacekeeping, nation building, signaling, or humanitarian assistance; systematic differences in military behavior for non-state actors, or for state actors in the developing world; and the roles of organization, logistics, leadership, morale, ethnic homogeneity, civil–military relations, and social structure, for example, as determinants of military effectiveness.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 70-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahla Ali ◽  
Tom Kabau

The Sphere Humanitarian Charter, a self-regulation instrument of humanitarian non-State actors, establishes principles and minimum standards in the provision of humanitarian assistance in select vital life-saving relief activities, especially in nutrition and health. The Charter articulates principles and minimum standards for facilitating the achievement of rights and obligations enshrined in various international legal “soft law” instruments. Due to the multiplicity of international legal instruments, the Sphere Charter provides a tool for a coherent understanding and application of relevant obligations, and therefore increases accountability and efficiency. The Sphere Charter bold human rights based approach to humanitarian assistance, including its articulation of a right to receive humanitarian assistance, may contribute to the evolution of the international legal regime into a more “victim centered” system. The central argument postulated in this article is that although the Sphere Charter is not a binding legal instrument, it has significant normative value that may contribute to progressive developments in the legal regime governing humanitarian assistance, and is particularly helpful in improving accountability and quality in the provision of nutrition and health relief. The Sphere Charter framework for local participation is particularly viewed as significant in engendering accountability in relief activities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Vilarinho Tambourgi

O Brasil completou, em 2015, uma década de atuação como doador de assistência humanitária internacional. A inserção brasileira acontece em momento em que outros países em desenvolvimento também começam a atuar do lado da oferta de assistência humanitária. Tradicionalmente, os países membros do Comitê de Assistência ao Desenvolvimento, da Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico (DAC/OECD) são considerados os principais doadores internacionais. A emergência de novos atores estatais, os doadores “Não DAC”, agrega mais recursos ao total de oferta de assistência humanitária. Neste artigo, o Brasil aparece como um doador Não DAC, sendo apresentada a inserção internacional brasileira como do país doador do ponto de vista financeiro das ações em relação à sua política externa. Palavras-chave: governo Lula; assistência humanitária internacional; política externa brasileira; CGFOME; governo Dilma.     Abstract: Brazil completed a decade of acting as a donor of international humanitarian assistance in 2015. The Brazilian insertion happens at a time when other developing countries also begin to act on the side of offering humanitarian assistance. Traditionally, the member countries of the Development Assistance Committee of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (DAC/OECD) are considered the main international donors. The emergence of new state actors, to so called “non-DAC” donors, adds more resources to the total supply of humanitarian assistance. In this article, Brazil is considered a non-DAC donor, being presented the international insertion of the country as a donor from the financial point of view of the actions in relation to its foreign policy. Key-words: Lula’s government; international humanitarian assistance; Brazilian foreign policy; CGFOME; Rousseff’s government.  


2002 ◽  
Vol 17 (S2) ◽  
pp. S25
Author(s):  
Rannveig Bremer Fjær ◽  
Knut Ole Sundnes

In frequent humanitarian emergencies during the last decades, military forces increasingly have been engaged through provision of equipment and humanitarian assistance, and through peace-support operations. The objective of this study was to evaluate how military resources could be used in disaster preparedness as well as in disaster management and relief.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
David Romano

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena.  Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî   No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.


Author(s):  
Ajit K Pyati

This paper focuses on the roles of public libraries in overall plans and schemes for Indian national development, focusing on issues of power and representation. The roles of state and non-state actors in Indian public library development are explored within the context of larger international information policy and development debates.Cet article porte sur les rôles des bibliothèques publiques dans les plans et les schémas globaux du développement national de l'Inde, et plus précisément sur les enjeux de pouvoir et de représentation. Seront explorés les rôles de l'état et des autres intervenants dans le développement des bibliothèques publiques indiennes dans le contexte de politiques d'information plus vastes et des débats sur le développement. 


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