An Ecology of Prestige in New York City: Examining the Relationships Among Population Density, Socio-economic Status, Group Identity, and Residential Canopy Cover

2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Morgan Grove ◽  
Dexter H. Locke ◽  
Jarlath P. M. O’Neil-Dunne
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 1197-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darby Jack ◽  
Kathryn Neckerman ◽  
Ofira Schwartz-Soicher ◽  
Gina S Lovasi ◽  
James Quinn ◽  
...  

AbstractObjectiveRecommendations for fruit and vegetable consumption are largely unmet. Lower socio-economic status (SES), neighbourhood poverty and poor access to retail outlets selling healthy foods are thought to predict lower consumption. The objective of the present study was to assess the interrelationships between these risk factors as predictors of fruit and vegetable consumption.DesignCross-sectional multilevel analyses of data on fruit and vegetable consumption, socio-demographic characteristics, neighbourhood poverty and access to healthy retail food outlets.SettingSurvey data from the 2002 and 2004 New York City Community Health Survey, linked by residential zip code to neighbourhood data.SubjectsAdult survey respondents (n 15 634).ResultsOverall 9·9 % of respondents reported eating ≥5 servings of fruits or vegetables in the day prior to the survey. The odds of eating ≥5 servings increased with higher income among women and with higher educational attainment among men and women. Compared with women having less than a high-school education, the OR was 1·12 (95 % CI 0·82, 1·55) for high-school graduates, 1·95 (95 % CI 1·43, 2·66) for those with some college education and 2·13 (95 % CI 1·56, 2·91) for college graduates. The association between education and fruit and vegetable consumption was significantly stronger for women living in lower- v. higher-poverty zip codes (P for interaction < 0·05). The density of healthy food outlets did not predict consumption of fruits or vegetables.ConclusionsHigher SES is associated with higher consumption of produce, an association that, in women, is stronger for those residing in lower-poverty neighbourhoods.


2011 ◽  
Vol 127 (2) ◽  
pp. AB174-AB174
Author(s):  
L.M. Acosta ◽  
R.L. Miller ◽  
I.F. Goldstein ◽  
A.G. Rundle ◽  
R.B. Mellins ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 2150008
Author(s):  
Bita Alizadehtazi ◽  
Korin Tangtrakul ◽  
Sloane Woerdeman ◽  
Anna Gussenhoven ◽  
Nariman Mostafavi ◽  
...  

Urban parks and green spaces provide a wide range of ecosystem services, including social interaction and stress reduction. When COVID-19 closed schools and businesses and restricted social gatherings, parks became one of the few places that urban residents were permitted to visit outside their homes. With a focus on Philadelphia, PA and New York City, NY, this paper presents a snapshot of the park usage during the early phases of the pandemic. Forty-three Civic Scientists were employed by the research team to observe usage in 22 different parks selected to represent low and high social vulnerability, and low, medium, and high population density. Despite speculation that parks could contribute to the spread of COVID-19, no strong correlation was found between the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in adjacent zip codes and the number of park users. High social vulnerability neighborhoods were associated with a significantly higher number of COVID-19 cases ([Formula: see text]). In addition, no significant difference in the number of park users was detected between parks in high and low vulnerability neighborhoods. The number of park users did significantly increase with population density in both cities ([Formula: see text]), though usage varied greatly by park. Males were more frequently observed than females in parks in both high vulnerability and high-density neighborhoods. Although high vulnerability neighborhoods reported higher COVID-19 cases, residents of Philadelphia and New York City appear to have been undeterred from visiting parks during this phase of the pandemic. This snapshot study provides no evidence to support closing parks during the pandemic. To the contrary, people continued to visit parks throughout the study, underscoring their evident value as respite for urban residents during the early phases of the pandemic.


Author(s):  
Awi Federgruen ◽  
Sherin Naha

AbstractThe number of confirmed COVID-19 cases, relative to population size, has varied greatly throughout the United States and even within the same city. In different zip codes in New York City, the epicentre of the epidemic, the number of cases per 100,000 residents has ranged from 437 to 4227, a 1:10 ratio. To guide policy decisions regarding containment and reopening of the economy, schools and other institutions, it is vital to identify the factors that drive this large variation.This paper reports on a statistical study of incidence variation by zip code across New York City. Among many socio-economic and demographic measures considered, the average household size emerges as the single most important explanatory variable: an increase in average household size by one member increases the zip code incidence rate, in our final model specification, by at least 876 cases, 23% of the range of incidence rates, at a 95% confidence level.The percentage of the population above the age of 65, the percentage below the poverty line, and their interaction term are also strongly positively associated with zip code incidence rates, In terms of ethnic/racial characteristics, the percentages of African Americans, Hispanics and Asians within the population, are significantly associated, but the magnitude of the impact is considerably smaller. (The proportion of Asians within a zip code has a negative association.)These significant associations may be explained by comorbidities, known to be more (less) prevalent among the black and Hispanic (Asian) population segments. In turn, the increased prevalence of these comorbidities among the black and Hispanic population, is, in large part, the result of poorer dietary habits and more limited access to healthcare, themselves driven by lower incomesContrary to popular belief, population density, per se, does not have a significantly positive impact. Indeed, population density and zip code incidence rate are negatively correlated, with a -33% correlation coefficient.Our model specification is based on a well-established epidemiologic model that explains the effects of household sizes on R0, the basic reproductive number of an epidemic.Our findings support implemented and proposed policies to quarantine pre-acute and post-acute patients, as well as nursing home admission policies


1960 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-38
Author(s):  
H. D. Bloch

It is the basic contention of this paper that intensification of Negro occupational eviction from 1860–1910 imposed another limitation on the Negro in addition to “job ceiling”. The term job ceiling, logically, connotes a prescribed set of trades or occupations, restricted exclusively to a group with ascribed social and economic status, and offers almost no upgrading. Negro eviction from the trades adds another restriction to his already low status, since, the Negro was now not limited in his opportunity to rise in the occupational scale – “job ceiling” – but jobs formerly relegated to him as low-grade Negro jobs were taken away from him – “eviction” – when whites entered into competition for them. This happened when (a) immigrants arrives who did not think such jobs normally beneath their dignity and (b) when native-born whites suffered unemployment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon M. Farley ◽  
Andrew R. Maroko ◽  
Shakira F. Suglia ◽  
Lorna E. Thorpe

Objectives: Researchers have identified associations between neighborhood-level factors (eg, income level, tobacco retailer density) and smoking behavior, but few studies have assessed these factors in urban environments. We explored the effect of tobacco retailer density, neighborhood poverty, and housing type (multiunit and public) on smoking in a large urban environment (New York City). Methods: We used data on smoking prevalence and individual sociodemographic characteristics from the 2011-2013 New York City Community Health Survey, data on tobacco retailers from the 2012 New York City Department of Consumer Affairs, data on neighborhood sociodemographic characteristics and population density from the 2009-2013 American Community Survey, and data on multiunit and public housing from the 2012 New York City Primary Land Use Tax Lot Output data set. We used aggregate neighborhood-level variables and ordinary least squares regression, geographic weighted regression, and multilevel models to assess the effects of tobacco retailer density and neighborhood poverty on smoking prevalence, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics (age, sex, race/ethnicity, and education) and neighborhood population density. We also assessed interactions between tobacco retailer density and poverty and each housing type on smoking. Results: Neighborhood poverty positively and significantly modified the association between tobacco retailer density and prevalence of neighborhood smoking ( β = 0.003, P = .01) when we controlled for population density, sociodemographic characteristics, and types of housing. Neighborhood poverty was positively associated with the prevalence of individual smoking ( β = 0.0099, P < .001) when we adjusted for population density, sociodemographic characteristics, and type of housing. Conclusion: More research is needed to determine all the environmental factors associated with smoking prevalence in a densely populated urban environment.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-177
Author(s):  
Simon Middleton

This article considers eighteenth-century urban credit and its relationship to social context and commerce from the perspective offered by two thousand private credit agreements preserved in complaints filed to initiate suits in the New York City Mayor’s Court from the late seventeenth century to the eve of the American Revolution. The complaints cover the gamut of urban colonial commerce, from mundane local exchanges to ambitious and high-value ventures aimed at overseas markets. Some of the complaints run to as many as seventeen pages, but many are cast in formulaic terms over two or three manuscript sheets. The loss of most of the city’s eighteenth-century tax records make it difficult to produce a comprehensive assessment of the litigants’ social and economic status. But the patterns that do emerge from the aggregate glimpses of everyday practice give some sense of the city’s distinctive credit market. Previous studies of neighbouring colonies have noted the increasing use of paper instruments and a shift to restrictive common law pleading in debt which, it is argued, provided creditors with greater commercial certainty and confidence and thereby nurtured the expansion of trade. However, in New York the complaints indicate that city traders retained a preference for dealing on account and presented their suits in the more flexible common law form of assumpsit, casting the city’s economic and legal change in a different light. What we can glimpse of the practices and procedures associated with different forms of borrowing, indicate a local market that depended on inter-related household exchange and a commercial rationale that balanced considerations of profit with wider but cautiously-reckoned social obligations. For example, comparing the usual repayment terms available in the city with those offered wealthier borrowers, and the credit agreed between two upriver fur dealers and their Native American partners, reveals the city’s credit market as a relatively conservative provider of support for residents and the able-bodied, thereby ensuring minimal public out-relief, which offered limited opportunities for investment and social mobility, even for those from within local circles.


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