Sustaining advocacy and action on women’s participation and gender equality in adult education

2011 ◽  
Vol 57 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 57-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Medel-Añonuevo ◽  
Anna Bernhardt
Author(s):  
Kara Ellerby

Gender equality has become a central aspect of global governance and development in the twenty-first century. States increasingly promote women in government, ensure women’s economic rights, and protect women from violence, all in the name of creating a more gender-equitable world. This book, however, challenges the idea that such efforts to include more women can actually promote gender equality. Arguing instead that there is a global “add gender and stir” campaign, in which women and gender have become synonymous, this book interrogates why this campaign has not had a greater global impact. Introducing women’s inclusion as an alternative framing to gender equality, this book delves into the data and research on policies and practices promoting women in public over the last forty years. What emerges is a liberal feminist movement to add women to male-dominated institutions that has done little to challenge binary gender—understood as patterns of masculinities and femininities—and often reinforces it instead. Chapters focus on policies and practices in three areas, including promoting women’s participation in government, increasing women’s economic rights, and protecting women from violence. The book uses “analytical gender” to explain why women’s inclusion is not more emancipatory—exploring how poor implementation, informal practices, gender binaries, and intersectionality remain key issues across all efforts of women’s inclusion. Ultimately all of these efforts have been co-opted by global neoliberal institutions in troubling ways, often reinforcing gender differences rather than challenging them.


Author(s):  
Theodora-Ismene Gizelis

AbstractThis article reviews the literature on gender, conflict, and peace. In traditional security studies there was not much room for gender or gender equality, while feminist theorists have claimed most of the research on war and peace. The empirical research on gender, conflict, and peace is a relatively new sub-field that brings together diverse traditions from sociology, feminist theory, international relations, and economic development. The common ground of all researchers included in this short review is the effort to systematically understand the role of gender in shaping outcomes of conflict and peace. Despite the increasing number of articles and new datasets, I identify four areas that scholars must address for the research agenda to further grow, deepen, and develop as part of the mainstream study of peace and conflict: women’s status and quality of peace, women’s participation, sexual violence, and gender mainstreaming to promote gender equality in development and peace.


Author(s):  
Kristen P. Williams

The traditional/mainstream international relations (IR) study of foreign policy has primarily focused on state behavior in the international system, examining factors such as the influence of decision-makers’ attitudes and beliefs, regime type, domestic political actors, civil society, norms, culture, and so forth on foreign policy. Much of this research has neglected to address women and gender in the context of studying foreign policy actors, decisions, and outcomes. Given that women are increasingly gaining access to the political process in terms of both formal government positions and informal political activism, and recognition by the international community of women’s roles in peace and war, feminist international relations (IR) scholars have challenged the assumptions and research focus of mainstream IR, including the study of foreign policy. Feminist international relations (IR) scholars have shown that countries with greater gender equality have foreign policies that are less belligerent. How do we account for foreign policies that are explicitly focused on women’s empowerment and gender equality? The main questions motivating the research on feminism in foreign policy are as follows. Is there a gender gap between men and women in terms of foreign policy? If so, what explains the gender gap? Research shows that the evidence is mixed—for example, men and women often agree on foreign policy goals and objectives, but sometimes differ on what actions to take to achieve those goals, primarily whether to use force. In considering where the women are in foreign policy, scholars examine women’s representation and participation in government, as gender equality is related to women’s representation and participation. While an increasing number of women have entered formal politics, whether as heads of state/government, cabinet and ministerial positions, and ambassadorships, for example, women remain underrepresented. The question also arises as to whether and how women’s participation and representation (descriptive and substantive representation) impact foreign policy. Does increased women’s participation and representation lead to a foreign policy focused on “women’s issues” and gender equality? Is a critical mass of women necessary for policies that promote gender equality and women’s empowerment? Finally, what does it mean to have a feminist foreign policy?


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gill Kirton

This article brings the neglected topic of small professional unions into the women and unions literature. In addition to an overview of women’s representation and gender equality strategies in small professional UK unions, it offers a contextually grounded analysis of barriers and enablers of women’s participation in Napo – the union representing professional workers in the probation service. The article identifies several enablers: healthy levels of women’s representation over a long period of time; presence and longevity of gender equality strategies; a strong occupational identity; occupational values that complement those of unionism. However, a highly pressured work environment and hostile industrial relations climate create lived insecurities, work–life imbalance and time poverty, which have constrained women professionals’ union participation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hürcan Asli Aksoy

The processes of democratization or democratic reversal have serious implications for gender equality regimes. Although the gender and transition literature has extensively examined the relation between democratization and gender, it only recently began to question how the changing dynamics of democratic reversal influence gender politics and policies. While women’s participation and representation in the formal arena of politics has been the primary object of theoretical discussions, the research rediscovers the power of the informal arena. To find tentative answers to the newly developing research agenda, this article employs the case of Turkey. To this end, the article examines the gendered strategies of four groups of organized women (feminist, Kurdish, Islamist, and Kemalist women’s organizations) engaged in strengthening women’s rights and gender equality. It first questions how, and to what extent, organized women en<em>gendered </em>democratization process and then sheds lights on the shift in their strategies to respond to the increasingly authoritarian and conservative Islamist political agenda of the ruling Justice and Development Party. Drawing on empirical findings, the article aims to inform the theoretical debates on the analytical relation between democratic reversals and gender rights regimes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (55) ◽  
pp. 491-508
Author(s):  
Raquel Jular-Alba ◽  
Clara Martín-Ramos ◽  
Pablo Martín-Ramos

Introduction. In spite of the education reform and the introduction of mixed schools, there are still obstacles to gender equality in Spain. Sexist attitudes and values continue to influence personal development and career choices, limiting women's participation in all areas. The opinions, beliefs, ideas, conceptions, expectations and personal attitudes of teaching professionals exert a great influence on the students who perceive them, which calls for up-to-date information on teaching staff’s perceptions towards gender equality and coeducation.Method. In this work, results from a survey distributed in three Secondary Schools in the Autonomous Community of Madrid, with 105 participants, are presented. The retrieved data were analyzed by using ANOVA and Kruskal-Wallis non-parametric tests.Results. Significant differences were found among the respondents in terms of their views on gender equality for the gender and gender*age factors, and for the gender and years of teaching experience factors in the case of their perceptions about coeducation.Discussion and conclusion. Although the tendency toward a true status of equality was more pronounced in women than in men, an adequate predisposition on the majority of teachers of both sexes towards the achievement of a social equality model based on the promotion of peer roles and coeducational practices was found.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqui True ◽  
Yolanda Riveros-Morales

The presence of gender provisions in peace agreements affects women’s participation in post-conflict societies as well as the chances that a post-conflict society will move towards gender equality. While there is an overall upward trend in the number of references to women’s rights and gender equality in peace agreements, gender-sensitive agreements are not a given. Why and how are peace agreements with gender provisions adopted? We use statistical analysis to explain why some peace agreements adopt gender provisions while others have no such provisions. Based on an analysis of 98 peace agreements across 55 countries between 2000 and 2016, we find that peace agreements are significantly more likely to have gender provisions when women participate in elite peace processes. Our study also shows that the likelihood of achieving a peace agreement with gender provisions increases when women’s representation in national parliaments increases and when women’s civil society participation is significant.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 505-518
Author(s):  
Amanda Spies

In 2002 the South African Constitutional Court rejected the decriminalisation of sex work and for many years the judgment has constricted further debate on the topic. In 2013 organisations such as the Commission for Gender Equality have again publicly committed themselves toward lobbying for the decriminalisation of sex work. The renewed debate has necessitated a reconsideration of the Court’s decision in S v Jordan and this article focuses on the organisations that participated as amicus curiae in the matter. The discussion highlights the importance of organisational participation in litigation and how this participation could provide the context in which to consider future debates on the topic. 


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