Northern Ireland: Political violence and self- reported physical symptoms in a community sample

1991 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 707-711 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ed Cairns ◽  
Ronnie Wilson
1984 ◽  
Vol 145 (6) ◽  
pp. 631-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ed Cairns ◽  
Ronnie Wilson

SummaryEvidence concerning the impact of the violence in Northern Ireland on psychiatric morbidity is limited to studies examining admission rates and psychotropic drug prescribing rates; their results varied from suggesting no effect to indicating that greater levels of violence are actually equated with higher levels of mental health. The present study is the first to use a community sample, in which respondents (797) from two towns, which have experienced contrasting levels of violence over the last ten years, completed the 30-item version of the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ), and also indicated their perception of the level of violence in their area and how safe they felt this was to live in. Those who lived in the more violent town scored higher on the GHQ, as did women compared to men and those who perceived that their area had experienced more violence. There was also a two-way interaction, such that the small number of people, who perceived much violence in their area and who also lived in the more violent town, scored more highly on the GHQ. It is possible that the majority of people in Northern Ireland deal effectively with stress generated by the political violence, but do so by denying the existence of this violence around them.


1982 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 525
Author(s):  
Ronald J. Terchek ◽  
Kevin Boyle ◽  
Tom Hadden ◽  
Patty Hillyard

Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 146488491986028
Author(s):  
Maria Armoudian ◽  
Barry Milne

Using negative binomial regression, we tested the relationships between political violence and media messages of blame across five distinct publications in Northern Ireland, publications that varied by ideology/identity and structure over a period of 4.5 years during the peace process. While controlling for previous violence, we found reciprocal relationships, suggesting that violent acts correlated with a rise in blame in mass media and that blame in some mass media correlated with escalating violence in what appears to be a cycle. Not surprisingly, violent acts also led to subsequent violent acts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Mark Cummings ◽  
Christine E. Merrilees ◽  
Alice C. Schermerhorn ◽  
Marcie C. Goeke-Morey ◽  
Peter Shirlow ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
John Downing

This chapter begins with a comparative overview of violence against civilians in war, terrorist events, and torture. The comparisons are between the United States since the 9/11 attacks, Britain during the civil war in Northern Ireland 1969-2000, and France during and since the Algerian armed liberation struggle of 1954-1962. The discussion covers the general issues involved, and then summarizes existing research on British and French media representations of political violence. This chapter then proceeds to a critical-discourse analysis of the U.S. Fox Television channel's highly successful dramatic series, 24. The series is currently considered one of the most extended televisual reflections on the implications of 9/11. Political violence, counter-terrorism, racism, and torture are central themes demonstrated in this television series. It is argued that the show constructs a strangely binary imaginary of extremist and moderate “Middle Easterners” while simultaneously projecting a weirdly post-racist America. In particular, the series articulates very forcefully an ongoing scenario of instantaneous decision-making, under dire impending menace to public safety, which serves to insulate the U.S. counter-terrorist philosophy and practice from an urgently needed rigorous public critique.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175069802092145
Author(s):  
Joseph S Robinson

A large body of literature assumes post-conflict societies can and should mediate public memory towards frames conducive to a reconciled future. However, this article argues that such a drive marginalises survivors of political violence who narrate the past as still-present wounds. The linear temporality of transitional justice presumes an idealised trajectory through time, away from violence and towards reconciliation. However, this idealised temporality renders anachronistic survivors who depend on the prolongation of traumatic pasts for the possibility of political change. Using the case of former Ulster Defence Regiment in Northern Ireland, this article examines this prolongation through the lens of Ulster Defence Regiment survivors’ resistant place-memory along the Southwest run of the Irish border. Through the performative retemporalisation of everyday places and landscapes, survivors demand that their resistant memories and narrative frames of past violence still belong and still have active political resonance in transitional political space.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amaia Álvarez Berastegi ◽  
Kevin Hearty

All societies moving towards peace must establish reparation measures for victims of political violence. This is not an easy task, however; political victimhood is a controversial concept by itself and all victims of this type are mixed up with general politics from both the past and the present. In divided societies, such as Northern Ireland and the Basque Country, controversies about the definition of political victimhood reproduce old divisions from the past. Drawing on these two case studies, this research project gathers together some initial thoughts on the conceptualisation of political victimhood with regard to three different models: the harm-, blame- and context-based models. The primary contribution of the article lies in the formulation of the third model, the context-based framework.


1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 505-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christa Zimmermann-Tansella ◽  
Stefano Donini ◽  
Marcello Lattanzi ◽  
Orazio Siciliani ◽  
Cesare Turrina ◽  
...  

SYNOPSISThe main aim of this study was to construct logistic models of emotional distress (defined as a GHQ-30 score of 6 or greater) in a community sample of 226 men and 225 women. The independent variables included were: sociodemographic characteristics, physical health status, social problems and undesirable life events. Univariate comparisons showed that in both sexes undesirable life events and social problems were associated with emotional distress; in men the presence of physical symptoms and widowed, separated or divorced status also showed such an association. Separate logistic regression models for men and women confirmed the importance of undesirable life events and social problems as predictors for emotional distress. In women there was also a significant interaction effect between the two variables on emotional distress. Sociodemographic characteristics and physical health status did not exert a statistically significant effect in these models.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document