scholarly journals Children’s group loyalty is related to parental in-group collectivism

2022 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 101130
Author(s):  
Anja Gampe ◽  
Jasmin Blaumeiser ◽  
Moritz M. Daum
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
James Wellman ◽  
Katie Corcoran ◽  
Kate Stockly

Humans are homo duplex, seeking to be individuals but knowing this is only possible in communities. Thus, humans struggle to integrate these two sides of their nature. Megachurches have been enormously successful at resolving this struggle. How do they do it, and what is it about their structure and rituals that makes so many feel as if they are high on God? The affective energies and emotional valences that characterize religious ecstasy are the primary focus of our study of megachurches. Empirically, humans want and desire forms of what Randall Collins calls “emotional energy.” Drawing on extensive qualitative and quantitative data on twelve nationally representative megachurches, we identify six desires that megachurches evoke and meet: acceptance, awe and spiritual stimulation, reliable leadership, deliverance, purpose, and solidarity in a community of like-minded others. Megachurches satisfy these desires through co-presence—being in the presence of other desiring people—a shared mood achieved through powerful musical worship services, a mutual focus of attention on the charismatic senior pastor who acts as an emotional charging agent, transformative altar calls, service opportunities, and small-group participation. This interaction ritual chain solidifies attendees’ commitment and group loyalty, and keeps them coming back to be recharged. Megachurches also have a dark side: they are known for their highly publicized scandals often involving malfeasance of the senior pastor. After examining the positive and negative sides to megachurches, we conclude that they successfully meet the desire of humans to flourish as individuals and to do so in a group.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003329411989990
Author(s):  
Burcu Tekeş ◽  
E. Olcay Imamoğlu ◽  
Fatih Özdemir ◽  
Bengi Öner-Özkan

The aims of this study were to test: (a) the association of political orientations with morality orientations, specified by moral foundations theory, on a sample of young adults from Turkey, representing a collectivistic culture; and (b) the statistically mediating roles of needs for cognition and recognition in the links between political orientation and morality endorsements. According to the results (a) right-wing orientation and need for recognition were associated with all the three binding foundations (i.e., in-group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity); (b) right-wing orientation was associated with binding foundations also indirectly via the role of need for recognition; (c) regarding individualizing foundations, left-wing orientation and need for cognition were associated with fairness/reciprocity, whereas only gender was associated with harm/care; and (d) left-wing orientation was associated with fairness dimension also indirectly via the role of need for cognition. The cultural relevance of moral foundations theory as well as the roles of needs for cognition and recognition are discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Light Shields ◽  
Christopher D. Funk ◽  
Brenda Light Bredemeier

According to contesting theory (Shields & Bredemeier, 2011), people conceptualize competition either through a metaphor of partnership or war. These two alternate metaphors suggest differing sociomoral relationships among the participants. In the current study of intercollegiate athletes (n = 610), we investigated the two approaches to contesting in relation to formalist and consequentialist moral frameworks (Brady & Wheeler, 1996) and individualizing and binding moral foundations (Haidt, 2001). Correlational analysis indicated that the partnership approach correlated significantly with all four moral dimensions, while the war approach correlated with formalist and consequentialist frameworks and binding foundations (i.e., appeals to in-group loyalty, authority, and purity). Multiple regressions demonstrated that the best predictors of a partnership approach were formalist thinking and endorsement of individualizing moral foundations (i.e., appeal to fairness and welfare). Among our primary variables, the best predictors of a war orientation were consequentialist thinking and endorsement of binding foundations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL BARBER ◽  
JEREMY C. POPE

Are people conservative (liberal) because they are Republicans (Democrats)? Or is it the reverse: people are Republicans (Democrats) because they are conservatives (liberals)? Though much has been said about this long-standing question, it is difficult to test because the concepts are nearly impossible to disentangle in modern America. Ideology and partisanship are highly correlated, only growing more so over time. However, the election of President Trump presents a unique opportunity to disentangle party attachment from ideological commitment. Using a research design that employs actual “conservative” and “liberal” policy statements from President Trump, we find that low-knowledge respondents, strong Republicans, Trump-approving respondents, and self-described conservatives are the most likely to behave like party loyalists by accepting the Trump cue—in either a liberal or conservative direction. These results suggest that there are a large number of party loyalists in the United States, that their claims to being a self-defined conservative are suspect, and that group loyalty is the stronger motivator of opinion than are any ideological principles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Omar Anchassi

A man came before al-Hajjaj (d. 95/714) complaining that his house had been demolished and his stipend (ʿaṭāʾ) suspended because of the misdemeanours of a fellow tribesman. ‘That’s too bad’, the governor replied, ‘have you not heard the poet say: ‘…it might be that someone is seized for the sin of his tribesman/while the one who commits the deed escapes’?’ ‘God rectify the governor’, the man replied, ‘I have heard God say otherwise.’ ‘How so?’ al-Hajjajasked. The man recited: ‘“O Minister! He has an aged father, so take one of us in his place: we see you as one of the virtuous.” He [Joseph] said, “We seek refuge in God that we should seize someone other than him in whose possession our [stolen] goods were found; otherwise, we would be of the wrongdoers”’ (Q. 12:78–79). Al-Hajjajordered that the man’s house be rebuilt, his stipend restored, and that a crier announce ‘God has spoken the truth, and the poet has lied!’ As this anecdote stresses, and al-Hajjaj pointedly recognises, the principle of individual responsibility is crucial to Islam’s moral weltanschauung. It marks a significant departure from jāhilī ethics, which were tribal in character and stressed group loyalty to the detriment of all else: ‘Succour your brother, oppressor or oppressed’. Nurit Tsafrir’s brilliantly researched monograph on the institution of the ʿāqila, its adoption and subsequent modification under the Umayyads and the Hanafī School, sheds much needed light on this development, and on how the careful reading of legal and other sources can allow for the reconstruction of aspects of social and legal history. The ʿāqila is the group responsible for the payment of blood-money in cases of non-intentional homicide or injury. Jurists conceded that while its origins are indeed jāhilī, the Prophet confirmed (aqarra) this institution, rendering it properly Islamic. That those not responsible for offences should still bear the financial burden of compensation clearly reflects the tribal context of the Prophet’s mission, and seemingly contradicts, Tsafrir observes, the principle of individual responsibility, a tension jurists alternately recognised and explained away (2–3). The Hijaz had no history of state formation prior to Islam, and as generations of Islamicists have remarked, the resulting law of homicide resembles a civil more than it does a criminal wrong (8). According to the jurists, it in fact belongs to a composite category, since the perpetrator is required to atone for their sin irrespective of any compensation (15).


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Copus
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Donald W. Winnicott ◽  
Ruth S. Eissler ◽  
Anna Freud ◽  
Heinz Hartmann ◽  
Marianne Kris

Winnicott’s review of the twenty-second volume in the ‘inexorable’ series The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, in which Winnicott expresses his belief that these volumes, representing an intra-group loyalty to Anna Freud, while dogmatic and therefore theoretically consistent, have steadily moved through the volumes towards creative moments and spontaneity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-702 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Morency-Laflamme ◽  
Theodore McLauchlin

Abstract Does ethnic stacking in the armed forces help prevent military defection? Recent research, particularly in Africa and the Middle East, suggests so; by favoring in-groups, regimes can keep in-group soldiers loyal. In-group loyalty comes at the cost of antagonizing members of out-groups, but many regimes gladly run that risk. In this research note, we provide the first large-scale evidence on the impact of ethnic stacking on the incidence of military defection during uprisings from below, using data on fifty-seven popular uprisings in Africa since formal independence. We find clear evidence for the downside: ethnic stacking is associated with more frequent defection if out-group members are still dominant in the armed forces. We find more limited support for the hypothesized payoff. Ethnic stacking may reduce the risk of defection, but only in regimes without a recent history of coup attempts. Future research should therefore trace the solidification of ethnic stacking over time.


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