scholarly journals Fertile grounds for extreme right-wing parties: Explaining the Vlaams Blok's electoral success

2007 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilde Coffé ◽  
Bruno Heyndels ◽  
Jan Vermeir
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Success

Up and down with the Extreme Right in Germany, 1949–1996

Politics ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Saalfeld
Keyword(s):  
West Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Strategic Choices ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Post War

In the post-war period, (West) Germany has witnessed several cycles of extreme right-wing protest. In this article, the dynamics of these cycles will be studied. What are the causes of the cyclical ‘ups’ and ‘downs’ in the extreme right's electoral fortunes? Are the cycles of violent activity related to the cycles of electoral success? In order to address these questions, the extreme right will be analysed as a social movement whose activities are a result of the interplay between the political opportunity structure and the strategic choices made by extreme right-wing activists

scholarly journals Βία κατά μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα. Μια νέα βάση δεδομένων για το ρεπερτόριο δράσης ακροδεξιών ομάδων (1991-2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Αναστασία Καφέ ◽  
Βασιλική Γεωργιάδου ◽  
Ζηνοβία Λιαλιούτη
Keyword(s):  
Political Environment ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Main Research Interest ◽  
The Press ◽  
A Cell ◽  
Violent Action ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

ΠερίληψηΗ ξενοφοβική βία στην Ελλάδα βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο του ενδιαφέροντος του παρόντος άρθρου. Η μελέτη του φαινομένου αναδεικνύει ευθείες συνδέσεις των δραστών με το χώρο της ακροδεξιάς και ειδικότερα τη Χρυσή Αυγή. Με τη δημιουργία μιας νέας βάσης δεδομένων που στηρίζεται στην εξαντλητική καταγραφή στον Τύπο περιστατικών βίας κατά μεταναστών στο διάστημα 1991-2017, υποστηρίζουμε ότι ο βίαιος ακτιβισμός δεν αποτελεί απλή συνέπεια της εκλογικής ενδυνάμωσης της άκρας δεξιάς, αλλά προϋποθέτει έναν πυρήνα οργανωμένων δρώντων που ανήκουν ή κινούνται στο περιβάλλον της. Από τα δεδομένα μας συνάγεται ότι η εξέλιξη του αριθμού των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών δεν συμπίπτει απολύτως με μια αντίστοιχη διακύμανση στον πληθυσμό των μεταναστών. Τούτο σημαίνει ότι οι αντιμεταναστευτικές επιθέσεις δεν αυξάνονται απαραιτήτως όταν ο αριθμός των μεταναστών είναι μεγάλος, αλλά μπορεί να εμφανίζονται συχνότερα σε περιόδους και περιοχές που παρατηρείται ξαφνική είσοδος μεταναστών. Αν στις περιοχές αυτές εντοπίζονται οργανωμένοι πυρήνες της άκρας δεξιάς και ειδικότερα της Χρυσής Αυγής, τότε είναι συχνό το φαινόμενο των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών. AbstractThe main research interest of this article focuses on the issue of xenophobic violence in Greece. The study of this phenomenon highlights its direct connection to extreme right-wing actors that are particularly associated with Golden Dawn. With the creation of a new database of violent incidents against immigrants during the period 1991-2017 constructed upon material from the press, we argue that violent activism is not merely a consequence of the electoral success of extreme right parties but it presupposes a cell of organized actors that belong to or move around this specific political environment. Moreover, our data suggest that the quantitative evolution of anti-immigrant attacks does not coincide with the size of immigration. This means that anti-immigrant attacks are not necessarily traced in areas with high migrant population but may be more frequent in areas where the entry of immigrants increases instantly. This trend is reinforced by the presence of organized cells of extreme right orientation - and especially Golden Dawn - that coordinate anti-immigrant violent action.

“Hoe ik tot de politieke theologie kwam”. Pater Brauns kijkt terug op de beweegredenen voor zijn publieke leven

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-93
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Third Reich ◽  
Nineteen Sixties ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Short Period ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Voor Zijn

Pater-jezuïet Marcel Brauns (1913-1995) heeft tijdens een korte periode in de jaren zestig een vrij belangrijke rol gespeeld in de herleving van het Vlaams-nationalisme op politiek vlak. Zijn religieuze staat hielp vele katholieke gelovigen een keuze voor de partij Volksunie legitimeren. Zijn keuze voor deze politieke activiteiten werd gemotiveerd door zijn denkbeelden die hij zijn “politieke theologie” noemde. In deze brontekst legt hij uit hoe zijn persoonlijke opvatting van de werkzaamheid van de goddelijke Drievuldigheid in de geschiedenis bepalend was voor zijn handelen. In zijn ogen was het anti-belgicisme van de Vlaams-nationalisten een verwezenlijking van de wil van God. Daarbij legitimeerde hij ook het moorddadige optreden van Vlaamse, nationaal-socialistische collaborateurs in dienst van het Derde Rijk tijdens de oorlog 1940-1945. Omwille van die uiterst-rechtse opstelling werd hij al snel uit de Volksunie geweerd. Hij zette zijn leven verder als spilfiguur van een kleine drukkingsgroep op de extreme rechtervleugel van het Vlaams-nationalisme.________"Hoe ik tot de politieke theologie kwam". Father Brauns looks back at the motivation for his public lifeDuring a short period in the nineteen-sixties the Jesuit Father Marcel Brauns (1913-1995) played a fairly important role in the revival of Flemish nationalism in the political arena. The fact that he was a religious helped many Catholic faithful to legitimise their vote for the party of the Flemish People’s Union. His involvement in these political activities was motivated by the concepts that he described as his political theology. In this source text he explained how his personal interpretation of the activity of the Holy Trinity in history had determined his actions. According to him the anti-Belgian attitude of the Flemish-Nationalists was a fulfilment of the will of God. At the same time he also legitimised the murderous actions of Flemish national socialist collaborators in the service of the Third Reich during the war 1940-1945. Because of that extreme-right position he was soon to be barred from the People’s Union. He carried on as a key figure of a small lobby on the extreme right wing of Flemish nationalism.

scholarly journals International Nets and National Links: The Global Rise of the Extreme Right—Introduction to Special Issue

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Kristy Campion ◽  
Scott Poynting
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Extreme Right

Work on this special issue has spanned two years, bookended by two highly mediatized, violent, extreme right-wing attacks, perpetrated on opposite sides of the globe [...]

Crossing the left-right party divide? Understanding the electoral success of the Czech Pirate Party in the 2017 parliamentary elections

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Spatial Perspective ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Right ◽  
Leftist Parties ◽  
Spatial Support

In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election, the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) gained 10.79% of the votes – an unprecedented success, compared to most of the pirate parties across Europe. However, as their electoral gain varies widely across the Czech Republic’s territory, this article analyses all (more than 6000) Czech municipalities in the elections of 2010, 2013, and 2017 to explain this variation. Overall, the success of the Pirates was driven especially by obtaining much more support in larger municipalities with younger populations (although not only those aged 18–24 but also older ones), lower unemployment, higher turnout, and lower support for leftist parties. Thus, from a spatial perspective, the patterns of Pirate voting largely resembled long-term spatial support for Czech rightist parties and we can conclude that the Pirates made considerable inroads to regions which had historically been strongholds of the Civic Democratic Party, as the former main party of the right, but also strongholds of minor right-wing (‘liberal centre’) parties of the 1990s and early 2000s. Success of the Pirates thus was based especially on votes from municipalities located in more developed areas, where the Pirates received many more votes than in structurally disadvantaged regions.

On the 'Two Faces' of right-wing extremism in Belgium : Confronting the ideology of extreme right-wing parties in Belgium with the attitudes and motives of their voters

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements:  (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups.  An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.

De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1994 : Analyse van de resultaten

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 352-388
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Voting Rules ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Campaign Expenditures

The institutional setting of the 1994 local elections was characterized by a by law introduced limitation of campaign expenditures and the increased share (at least 25%) of female candidates.  In spite of compulsory voting rules, the turnout decreased with 1,2%. The proportion of blanc or invalid votes increased slightly with 0,3%.  The results of the local elections followed the trends drawn by the 1991 general election. This means general losses for the traditional parties and large progress for the extreme right-wing parties. In the Flemish region, the winners were the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok, the ecologist AGALEV and the VLD liberals.  The others parties lost votes. This was particularly the case for the Flemish-nationalist VU, followed by the socialists (SP) and the christian-democrats (CVP).In the Walloons region, all the traditional parties were set back or stagnated.  The socialists (PS) suffered the largest decline, but the liberals (PRL) and christian-democrats (PSC) lost voters too. The ecologist ECOLO only kept a modest status quo position. On the other hand, the extreme right-wing parties Front National and Agir realised a breakthrough. In Brussels, we notice the same tendencies, set-backs for the traditional parties and progress for the extreme rightwing parties (of both languages). The ecologists belonged there also to the winning side. Nevertheless, the fragmentation of the local political system should not be dramatized.In general terms, parties supporting the leaving political majorities in the municipalities were no langer electorally favoured. On the contrary, the liberals realized better results in these municipalities where they belonged to the opposition.

De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1988 : Analyse van de resultaten

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-384
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The City ◽  
Walloon Region

In the Flemish region the greatest losers are the Flemish nationalists VU and the Socialist Party, followed by de christian-democrats of the CVP. The liberal party PVV, the ecologist AGALEV and the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok (particularly in the city ofAntwerp) are the winners. The results of the Walloon region show a gain for the socialists (PS), christian-democrats (PSC) and the ecologists (ECOLO) and a sligtly liberal (PRL) recede. The high number of winners is caused by the disapearrance of the socialist-Walloon nationalist alliances and the anti-tax party UDR T. Another important factor is the fall in of the walloon nationalist party RW.The elections in the Brussels region are characterized by the further set-back of the once so strong French-speaking party FDF. The three traditional political families and the ecologists benefit by this decline.In Flanders the christian-democrats and the socialists profit by their participation in the boards of mayor and aldermen (the local majorities), in the Walloons the socialists. The data concerning the profits by this participations show no evidence for the other parties.

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