De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1994 : Analyse van de resultaten

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 352-388
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Voting Rules ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Campaign Expenditures

The institutional setting of the 1994 local elections was characterized by a by law introduced limitation of campaign expenditures and the increased share (at least 25%) of female candidates.  In spite of compulsory voting rules, the turnout decreased with 1,2%. The proportion of blanc or invalid votes increased slightly with 0,3%.  The results of the local elections followed the trends drawn by the 1991 general election. This means general losses for the traditional parties and large progress for the extreme right-wing parties. In the Flemish region, the winners were the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok, the ecologist AGALEV and the VLD liberals.  The others parties lost votes. This was particularly the case for the Flemish-nationalist VU, followed by the socialists (SP) and the christian-democrats (CVP).In the Walloons region, all the traditional parties were set back or stagnated.  The socialists (PS) suffered the largest decline, but the liberals (PRL) and christian-democrats (PSC) lost voters too. The ecologist ECOLO only kept a modest status quo position. On the other hand, the extreme right-wing parties Front National and Agir realised a breakthrough. In Brussels, we notice the same tendencies, set-backs for the traditional parties and progress for the extreme rightwing parties (of both languages). The ecologists belonged there also to the winning side. Nevertheless, the fragmentation of the local political system should not be dramatized.In general terms, parties supporting the leaving political majorities in the municipalities were no langer electorally favoured. On the contrary, the liberals realized better results in these municipalities where they belonged to the opposition.

Local Elections and Extreme Right-Wing Political Parties in the Czech Republic in 2006

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Pink ◽  
Josef Smolik
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Local Results

This paper examines the electoral results of two extreme right-wing parties, namely the Národní Strana [National Party] and Právo a Spravedlnost [Law and Justice] in the 2006 local elections. The basic method chosen is a comparative study of their electoral results at the level of those municipalities where they were present. Local results for the two political parties are also compared and contrasted with their previous performance in parliamentary elections. Additionally, a longer-term analysis of electoral support for Sdružení pro Republiku – Republikánská strana ?eskoslovenska and its successors present in the above elections will be investigated. The distribution of electoral support will be attributed to selected socioeconomic factors, number of young voters, education, nationality, and number of religious people in society. On this basis in the presented text we will try to show the interdependence of electoral behavior.

Right Wing Revivals in France : A Series of Talks at the New York University Institute of French Studies

1984 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-224
Author(s):  
Dorothy Young
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Columbia University ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
New York University ◽  
French Studies ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right

As the debate about the future of the French Left intensifies, and the Right parties and coalitions win ever more local elections in France, the Institute of French Studies and the Maison Fran^aise at New York University have presented several colloquia on the subject of the Extreme Right in France in this century. Among the specialists convoked were Zcev Sternhell, author of Ni Droite Ni Gauche and Professor of History at University of Jerusalem; Robert Paxton, author of Vichy France and Professor of History at Columbia University.

“Hoe ik tot de politieke theologie kwam”. Pater Brauns kijkt terug op de beweegredenen voor zijn publieke leven

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-93
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Third Reich ◽  
Nineteen Sixties ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Holy Trinity ◽  
Short Period ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Voor Zijn

Pater-jezuïet Marcel Brauns (1913-1995) heeft tijdens een korte periode in de jaren zestig een vrij belangrijke rol gespeeld in de herleving van het Vlaams-nationalisme op politiek vlak. Zijn religieuze staat hielp vele katholieke gelovigen een keuze voor de partij Volksunie legitimeren. Zijn keuze voor deze politieke activiteiten werd gemotiveerd door zijn denkbeelden die hij zijn “politieke theologie” noemde. In deze brontekst legt hij uit hoe zijn persoonlijke opvatting van de werkzaamheid van de goddelijke Drievuldigheid in de geschiedenis bepalend was voor zijn handelen. In zijn ogen was het anti-belgicisme van de Vlaams-nationalisten een verwezenlijking van de wil van God. Daarbij legitimeerde hij ook het moorddadige optreden van Vlaamse, nationaal-socialistische collaborateurs in dienst van het Derde Rijk tijdens de oorlog 1940-1945. Omwille van die uiterst-rechtse opstelling werd hij al snel uit de Volksunie geweerd. Hij zette zijn leven verder als spilfiguur van een kleine drukkingsgroep op de extreme rechtervleugel van het Vlaams-nationalisme.________"Hoe ik tot de politieke theologie kwam". Father Brauns looks back at the motivation for his public lifeDuring a short period in the nineteen-sixties the Jesuit Father Marcel Brauns (1913-1995) played a fairly important role in the revival of Flemish nationalism in the political arena. The fact that he was a religious helped many Catholic faithful to legitimise their vote for the party of the Flemish People’s Union. His involvement in these political activities was motivated by the concepts that he described as his political theology. In this source text he explained how his personal interpretation of the activity of the Holy Trinity in history had determined his actions. According to him the anti-Belgian attitude of the Flemish-Nationalists was a fulfilment of the will of God. At the same time he also legitimised the murderous actions of Flemish national socialist collaborators in the service of the Third Reich during the war 1940-1945. Because of that extreme-right position he was soon to be barred from the People’s Union. He carried on as a key figure of a small lobby on the extreme right wing of Flemish nationalism.

scholarly journals International Nets and National Links: The Global Rise of the Extreme Right—Introduction to Special Issue

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Kristy Campion ◽  
Scott Poynting
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Extreme Right

Work on this special issue has spanned two years, bookended by two highly mediatized, violent, extreme right-wing attacks, perpetrated on opposite sides of the globe [...]

A POST-LIBERAL ORDER? HANS ZEHRER AND CONSERVATIVE CONSENSUS BUILDING IN 1950S WEST GERMANY

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCUS M. PAYK
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Political System ◽  
West Germany ◽  
New Order ◽  
Consensus Building ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Specific Mode ◽  
Sociopolitical Context

While it is well known that German conservative intellectuals were skeptical or indifferent to the Federal Republic of Germany established in 1949 and to its democratic founding principles, this essay shifts attention to a specific mode of right-wing acceptance of the new order. Focusing on Hans Zehrer, a renowned journalist and notorious opponent of democracy in the Weimar Republic, I will demonstrate how right-wing intellectuals interpreted West Germany's political system as a post-liberal order after the “end of politics”. But this vision of transcending societal and intellectual conflicts in a meta-politics was neither entirely new nor simply raked up from the late 1920s but reshaped to fit the postwar sociopolitical context. The essay illuminates several intellectual connections between Weimar-era neoconservatism and the specific conservative consensus formed after 1949, but it also explores personnel continuities within a network of right-wing journalists as well as continuities in the field of journalistic style.

Ein zunehmend bunter Freistaat: Die Analyse der bayerischen Kommunalwahlen im März 2020 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der kreisfreien Städte

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-94
Author(s):  
Jan Pollex ◽  
Sebastian Block ◽  
Martin Gross ◽  
Dominic Nyhuis ◽  
Jan A. Velimsky
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Election Results

Despite their crucial role for democratic decision-making, local elections receive little atten­tion from political science research . To overcome this shortcoming, the article analyses the Bavarian local elections of 2020 . Although the CSU remains the strongest party in the Free State, the Green Party was able to make considerable gains, especially in larger cities . How­ever, the Greens could not gain any grounds in mayoral elections, whereas CSU and SPD competed for the win . In most of the cases, the Social Democrats won the posts in city halls . In addition to detailing election results, this article addresses the ballot lists, the com­position of local councils, and coalition building at the local level . Overall, this contribu­tion provides a comprehensive account of the elections, which are characterized by their unique ballot system and, thus, have a special role in the political system of Germany .

On the 'Two Faces' of right-wing extremism in Belgium : Confronting the ideology of extreme right-wing parties in Belgium with the attitudes and motives of their voters

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements:  (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups.  An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.

De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1988 : Analyse van de resultaten

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-384
Author(s):  
Johan Ackaert
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The City ◽  
Walloon Region

In the Flemish region the greatest losers are the Flemish nationalists VU and the Socialist Party, followed by de christian-democrats of the CVP. The liberal party PVV, the ecologist AGALEV and the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok (particularly in the city ofAntwerp) are the winners. The results of the Walloon region show a gain for the socialists (PS), christian-democrats (PSC) and the ecologists (ECOLO) and a sligtly liberal (PRL) recede. The high number of winners is caused by the disapearrance of the socialist-Walloon nationalist alliances and the anti-tax party UDR T. Another important factor is the fall in of the walloon nationalist party RW.The elections in the Brussels region are characterized by the further set-back of the once so strong French-speaking party FDF. The three traditional political families and the ecologists benefit by this decline.In Flanders the christian-democrats and the socialists profit by their participation in the boards of mayor and aldermen (the local majorities), in the Walloons the socialists. The data concerning the profits by this participations show no evidence for the other parties.

Zapobieganie prawicowemu ekstremizmowi i jego zwalczanie na przykładzie Niemiec

2011 ◽  
pp. 168-190
Author(s):  
Kinga Schlesinger
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Main Target ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

The article scrutinises the issue of right-wing extremism in Germany in recent years. The analysis leads to the conclusion that this problem is gathering in force in the UE while in Germany it is tending to diminish. The anti-extremism actions undertaken in Germany are so significant that they may provide a sui generis model for the other EU states and the European Commission to follow. The article describes, how right-wing extremism is prevented and countered, in particular as exemplified by Germany. Anti-extremist actions are carried out with regard to various entities and in various fields, namely, legislation, justice, administration, education, the media and NGOs. The article provides a review of anti-extremism strategies applied by the state bodies to the extreme right-wing parties, from marginalising them, in the case of Germany, to accepting them into ruling coalitions, in the case of Austria. The author’s considerations lead her to the conclusion that the main target groups in anti-extremist actions should be the youth and journalists.

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