scholarly journals Βία κατά μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα. Μια νέα βάση δεδομένων για το ρεπερτόριο δράσης ακροδεξιών ομάδων (1991-2017)

Author(s):  
Αναστασία Καφέ ◽  
Βασιλική Γεωργιάδου ◽  
Ζηνοβία Λιαλιούτη

ΠερίληψηΗ ξενοφοβική βία στην Ελλάδα βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο του ενδιαφέροντος του παρόντος άρθρου. Η μελέτη του φαινομένου αναδεικνύει ευθείες συνδέσεις των δραστών με το χώρο της ακροδεξιάς και ειδικότερα τη Χρυσή Αυγή. Με τη δημιουργία μιας νέας βάσης δεδομένων που στηρίζεται στην εξαντλητική καταγραφή στον Τύπο περιστατικών βίας κατά μεταναστών στο διάστημα 1991-2017, υποστηρίζουμε ότι ο βίαιος ακτιβισμός δεν αποτελεί απλή συνέπεια της εκλογικής ενδυνάμωσης της άκρας δεξιάς, αλλά προϋποθέτει έναν πυρήνα οργανωμένων δρώντων που ανήκουν ή κινούνται στο περιβάλλον της. Από τα δεδομένα μας συνάγεται ότι η εξέλιξη του αριθμού των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών δεν συμπίπτει απολύτως με μια αντίστοιχη διακύμανση στον πληθυσμό των μεταναστών. Τούτο σημαίνει ότι οι αντιμεταναστευτικές επιθέσεις δεν αυξάνονται απαραιτήτως όταν ο αριθμός των μεταναστών είναι μεγάλος, αλλά μπορεί να εμφανίζονται συχνότερα σε περιόδους και περιοχές που παρατηρείται ξαφνική είσοδος μεταναστών. Αν στις περιοχές αυτές εντοπίζονται οργανωμένοι πυρήνες της άκρας δεξιάς και ειδικότερα της Χρυσής Αυγής, τότε είναι συχνό το φαινόμενο των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών. AbstractThe main research interest of this article focuses on the issue of xenophobic violence in Greece. The study of this phenomenon highlights its direct connection to extreme right-wing actors that are particularly associated with Golden Dawn. With the creation of a new database of violent incidents against immigrants during the period 1991-2017 constructed upon material from the press, we argue that violent activism is not merely a consequence of the electoral success of extreme right parties but it presupposes a cell of organized actors that belong to or move around this specific political environment. Moreover, our data suggest that the quantitative evolution of anti-immigrant attacks does not coincide with the size of immigration. This means that anti-immigrant attacks are not necessarily traced in areas with high migrant population but may be more frequent in areas where the entry of immigrants increases instantly. This trend is reinforced by the presence of organized cells of extreme right orientation - and especially Golden Dawn - that coordinate anti-immigrant violent action.

Author(s):  
Christos Vrakopoulos

Abstract This article aims to explain the variation in the electoral support for extreme-right parties (ERPs) in Europe. The extant literature on the far-right party family does not answer this question specifically with regard to the extreme-right variants for two main reasons. Firstly, theories did not expect the electoral success of these parties in post-war Europe due to their anti-democratic profiles and association with fascism. Secondly, despite the fact that they acknowledge the differences between the parties under the far-right umbrella – namely, the extreme and the radical – they normally do not take these differences into account, and if so, they focus on the radical-right parties. This article shows that electoral support for ERPs is associated with low quality of government and highly conservative mainstream-right parties. The former creates political legitimization for anti-democratic parties and the latter ideological normalization of extreme right.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Lazaros Miliopoulos

Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.


2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATT GOLDER

In their 1996 article in this Journal, Robert Jackman and Karin Volpert analyse the systematic conditions that influence the electoral success of extreme right parties in sixteen West European countries from 1970 to 1990. In particular, they focus on the effects of unemployment, electoral thresholds and multi-partism.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilde Coffé

A large body of research on political parties is devoted to the family of extreme right parties. Yet, systematic analyses of extreme right parties discourse remain scarce. The present study addresses this gap in the literature by providing a discourse analysis of the Vlaams Belang, one of the most successful extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Moreover, by focusing on this partys economic discourse, the study also sheds new light on the ongoing debate about the economic viewpoints of the new extreme right parties. We conclude that the Vlaams Belangs economic rhetoric is in line with its ethno-linguistic, nationalist standpoints and pleas for a Flemish economic policy. The partys economic programme is built on liberal points of view and seems particularly aimed at attracting (dissatisfied) liberal voters. Importantly, as economic issues remain subordinated to the partys ideological core, it appears that the Vlaams Belang has largely instrumentalised its programme to expand its electorate.


2007 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilde Coffé ◽  
Bruno Heyndels ◽  
Jan Vermeir

Politics ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Saalfeld

In the post-war period, (West) Germany has witnessed several cycles of extreme right-wing protest. In this article, the dynamics of these cycles will be studied. What are the causes of the cyclical ‘ups’ and ‘downs’ in the extreme right's electoral fortunes? Are the cycles of violent activity related to the cycles of electoral success? In order to address these questions, the extreme right will be analysed as a social movement whose activities are a result of the interplay between the political opportunity structure and the strategic choices made by extreme right-wing activists


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rossella Borri ◽  
Luca Verzichelli

Abstract The appeal to the re-appropriation of national sovereignty has recently become the unifying trait of a heterogeneous group of right-wing parties. The underlying reasoning behind this claim is that globalised elites ignore the needs of the people—defined as a restricted and ethnically homogeneous group of natives—they are supposed to represent. After defining the perimeter of this party cluster, including populist, national conservatives and extreme-right parties, this article explores the extent to which the adoption of similar political platforms might also be reflected in a convergence of parliamentary party articulations. A qualitative account of the evolution of parliamentary representation in a few right-wing parties from Italy, Hungary and the Netherlands shows that a two-way street of institutionalisation might be at play in the complex balance between uncompromising grassroots components and a more pragmatic institutional component.


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