The radical right in Romania: Political party evolution and the distancing of Romania from Europe

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sum

Increasingly, European radical right parties have capitalized on citizen dissatisfaction with the European Union institutions. As a new EU member, to what extent have supporters of the radical right in Romania turned away from Europe? I evaluate this question by tracking the evolution of radical right parties in Romania. I find that supporters of the radical right in Romania are generally do not support or do not trust the EU. The Greater Romania Party is well-positioned to expand its electoral base in the foreseeable future if it can widen its appeal to those Romanians who are ambivalent to the EU.

Author(s):  
Sofia Vasilopoulou

This chapter examines the role that the European Union (EU) issue plays in radical right party agendas. It shows that, despite the fact that radical right parties tend to adopt dissimilar positions on the principle, practice, and future of European integration, they all tend to criticize the EU from a predominantly sovereignty-based perspective justified on ethnocultural grounds. The EU is portrayed as posing a threat to national sovereignty, its policies dismantling the state and its territory, as well as being responsible for the cultural disintegration of Europe and its nation-states. The analysis of EU issue positions and salience over time suggests that—despite variations—radical right parties engage in EU issue competition not only by adopting extreme positions but also by increasingly emphasizing these positions over time.


Author(s):  
Petr David ◽  
Vojtěch Schiller

The market system is unavailable to reflect negative externalities, caused by road motor traffic, in the realized prices. For that purpose, it would be appropriate to implement a general environmental road tax in the European Union member states. The question is whether the national registers of vehicles are prepared for such a change. Whether this is the case at present, may be found out by means of analyses of the available national registers. The next step is synthetic: the data must be subsequently completed on the basis of the knowledge of needs of currently existing systems of road motor vehicles taxation. In the end, the identified results may be supplemented with the known data published by international institutions. The results of the research show that the present systems of road motor vehicles taxation are utterly different and distortive. Only 12 countries of the European Union have registers which were clearly identified as prepared for the application of the environmental tax. Registers of the remaining countries do not contain one or more data that are necessary for the implementation of the environmental tax. For this reason we may assume that regardless of other determinants, environmental road tax shall not be introduced throughout the European Union in the foreseeable future.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Castle ◽  
KJ Pelc

International negotiations are founded on secrecy. Yet, unauthorized leaks of negotiating documents have grown common. What are the incentives behind leaks, and what are their effects on bargaining between states? Specifically, are leaks offensive or defensive: are they intended to spur parties to make more ambitious commitments, or are they more often intended to claw back commitments made? We examine these questions in the context of trade negotiations, the recurring form of which affords us rare empirical traction on an otherwise elusive issue. We assemble the first dataset of its kind, covering 120 discrete leaks from 2006 to 2015. We find that leaks are indeed rising in number. Leaks are clustered around novel legal provisions and appear to be disproportionately defensive: they serve those actors intent on limiting commitments made. The European Union (EU) appears responsible for the majority of leaks occurring worldwide. Using party manifesto data to track changing ideological positions within the EU, we find that the occurrence of leaks correlates with opposition to economic liberalization within the average EU political party. Moreover, leaks appear effective in shifting public debate. We examine trade officials' internal communications and media coverage in the wake of a specific leak of negotiations between Canada and the EU. A given negotiating text attracts more negative coverage when it is leaked than when the same text is officially released. In sum, political actors leak information strategically to mobilize domestic audiences toward their preferred negotiating outcome.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 1147-1162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Castle ◽  
Krzysztof J Pelc

Abstract International negotiations are founded on secrecy. Yet, unauthorized leaks of negotiating documents have grown common. What are the incentives behind leaks, and what are their effects on bargaining between states? Specifically, are leaks offensive or defensive: are they intended to spur parties to make more ambitious commitments, or are they more often intended to claw back commitments made? We examine these questions in the context of trade negotiations, the recurring form of which affords us rare empirical traction on an otherwise elusive issue. We assemble the first dataset of its kind, covering 120 discrete leaks from 2006 to 2015. We find that leaks are indeed rising in number. Leaks are clustered around novel legal provisions and appear to be disproportionately defensive: they serve those actors intent on limiting commitments made. The European Union (EU) appears responsible for the majority of leaks occurring worldwide. Using party manifesto data to track changing ideological positions within the EU, we find that the occurrence of leaks correlates with opposition to economic liberalization within the average EU political party. Moreover, leaks appear effective in shifting public debate. We examine trade officials’ internal communications and media coverage in the wake of a specific leak of negotiations between Canada and the EU. A given negotiating text attracts more negative coverage when it is leaked than when the same text is officially released. In sum, political actors leak information strategically to mobilize domestic audiences toward their preferred negotiating outcome.


2019 ◽  
pp. 115-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja A. Börzel ◽  
Diana Panke

The first section of the chapter explains what Europeanization means and outlines the main approaches to studying this phenomenon. The second section describes why this concept has become so prominent in research on the European Union (EU) and its member states. In the third section, the chapter reviews the state of the art with particular reference to how the EU affects states (‘top-down’ Europeanization). It illustrates the theoretical arguments with empirical examples. Similarly, the fourth section examines how states can influence the EU (‘bottom-up’ Europeanization) and provides some theoretical explanations for the empirical patterns observed. This is followed by a section that presents an overview of research that looks at linkages between bottom-up and top-down Europeanization, and considers the future of Europeanization research with regard to EU’s recent and current crises and challenges. The conclusion argues that Europeanization, despite the crises the EU has been facing, will remain an important field of EU research for the foreseeable future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stijn van Kessel ◽  
Nicola Chelotti ◽  
Helen Drake ◽  
Juan Roch ◽  
Patricia Rodi

Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 362-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yale H. Ferguson

In 2005 the European Union (EU) began formally to negotiate Turkey's application to become a full member. Today, the EU is a very different organization, Turkey has also experienced major changes, and the Arab Spring has dramatically impacted the Middle East. In sum, there is a changed context for the evolving relationship between Turkey and the EU. This article explains that context and concludes that, for the foreseeable future, Turkey is unlikely to become a full EU member, although close ties with respect to economic matters and immigration will persist.


2018 ◽  
Vol 225 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-290
Author(s):  
Dr. Khalid Mousa Jawad

      This research aims to identify the most important motivations Turkish-European mutual in Turkey's accession to the EU, as the Turkish rush to go to join the European Union was the product of a number of motives, including what was a political, economic or security, as they find in the European Union, key to resolve most of the problems experienced by. Moreover, the EU interest in oil issues, stability, human rights and democracy, particularly in the Middle East and Central Asia region, And that the causes of instability spring from these areas also, as well as Russia's policy in the nearby areas and seeks to restore its status as a superpower in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union, all of this points to the importance of Turkey for the EU, and nevertheless, Turkey and the European Union show that they are two things far apart they are moving away from each other, so the presence of a group cannot be ignored from the difficulties that may prevent the entry of Turkey into the European Union, at least in the foreseeable future.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Nataša Jovanović Ajzenhamer ◽  
Haris Dajč

In this paper, we will analyse the attitudes of the oldest political party in Serbia (the Socialist Party of Serbia – SPS) towards the European Union from the party’s establishment to the present day. We have chosen this party for two important theoretical and methodological reasons. First, it is the only party in Serbia to inherit the continuity of socialist heritage, i.e. the only one to retain the socialist nomenclature when, at least nominally, party pluralism, an electoral regime and the transformation to capitalism began. The second reason is that the SPS is the largest left-wing party in Serbia, and one of the largest parties in Serbia in general. In this paper, we will apply a narrative analysis of the party’s most important legal documents. The focus of our analysis will be on documents from 2010 and 2014, but to be able to follow the historical development of the attitudes of the SPS towards the EU, we have also included a document from 1990 in the analysis.


Author(s):  
Michael Longo

This article examines changing approaches to ethnicity and nationalism of the Lega Nord (LN), a populist far-right political party in Italy, against a backdrop of growing anti-EU and anti-immigrant sentiment. The article reflects on the contexts in which populist and far right politics are taking hold in Italy and in the European Union (EU), with the LN used to illustrate this dynamic. The EU is shaping national politics in new and unexpected ways. The article concludes that the LN is seizing the opportunity to recast itself in Italy by adopting a national anti-euro, anti-austerity, anti-EU project at the same time that populist parties in other member states of the EU are capitalising on deepening societal insecurity and growing opposition to the EU, the euro, immigration and EU-imposed austerity.


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