Export Liberalization, Job Creation, and the Skill Premium: Evidence from the US–Vietnam Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA)

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 317-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emiko Fukase
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-370
Author(s):  
Caroline Glöckle ◽  
Aike Würdemann

In January 2020, the US and China finally concluded a bilateral trade agreement amidst an ongoing trade war. From the US side, the US-China ‘phase 1’-deal was hailed as a great achievement. The paper critically examines whether and to what extent the US-China ‘phase 1’-deal can keep up with its promises. In the course of the analysis, the paper finds that the trade deal will neither place US-Chinese trade relations on a new footing, nor does it incentivise China to fundamentally change its economic model. Instead, one may argue that the ‘phase 1’-deal has a harming effect on the multilateral idea of trade law as of today.


Subject Taiwan's trade policy. Significance Washington's abandonment of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a comprehensive free trade agreement between economies on both sides of the Pacific Ocean, is prompting Taiwan to seek a new direction in trade policy. Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen, is seeking to increase trade and investment with partners other than China -- particularly with India and South-east Asia -- and pursue a bilateral trade agreement with the United States. Tsai's Presidential Office has already established a special office to promote trade links with India and South-east Asia. Impacts Taiwan will be subject to intense China-US rivalry, with both seeking to draw the island away from the other. Beijing will put pressure on Taipei to resume cross-Strait economic expansion efforts. Trade with India will expand, but will still be dwarfed by exports to China. Tsai's 'New Southbound Policy' initiative is unlikely to reduce Taiwan’s reliance on the China market significantly.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-404

On January 4, 2019, the United States requested consultations with Peru with respect to its forest governance obligations under the 2007 United States – Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (PTPA). The PTPA has an environmental chapter with robust terms that were included largely at the insistence of members of Congress, reflecting concerns that a free trade agreement with Peru could increase the country's export of illegally logged wood to the United States. The request for consultations focused on Peru's decision to relocate its Agency for the Supervision of Forest Resources and Wildlife (OSINFOR) to within Peru's Ministry of Environment—a change that, in the view of the United States, “appears to conflict” with a PTPA obligation that “‘OSINFOR shall be an independent and separate agency.’”


2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 647-672
Author(s):  
Chris Nyland ◽  
Elizabeth Ann Maharaj ◽  
Anne O'Rourke

When the Australian and Chinese governments announced their intention to negotiate a bilateral trade agreement this news generated apprehension among employee bodies. This was because many workers believe China's competitiveness is underpinned by its government's refusal to allow China's workers to realize basic labour rights and because Australian labour and the wider community has been unable to participate in the debate surrounding the proposed agreement. The latter concern is the focus of this article. We accept organized labour has a right to `sit at the table' when trade policy is being determined and that the union movement needs to forge effective alliances if it is to achieve this goal. To assist this process we draw on submissions generated by the United States—Australia (AUSFTA) and Australia—China (ACFTA) trade agreements to argue that Australian unions and civil society groupings can influence the outcome of bilateral trade negotiations and in so doing offer suggestions regarding the issues likely to be most conducive to alliance building.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thi Minh Phuong Tran

<p>Vietnam is an economy in transition that has encountered a great deal of obstacles and issues shifting to the market tract. Due to a lack of synchronized legal systems, and the legacy of stagnant economic development and low efficiency dating from the wartime, it has been even more difficult for Vietnam to adapt itself to the new context of globalization. Since Doimoi however, Vietnam has witnessed gradual but important changes in thinking and action. In order to apply the model of “socialist market-oriented economy” in practice, Vietnam enacted the Vietnam Competition Law (VCL) in 2004. After nearly a decade of being in force, the VCL (2004) has attracted lots of critique over its outdated and inappropriate content. In contrast, a number of comments from economic experts and academia still express supportive attitudes and highly appreciate the introduction of the law in 2004. Competition-related issues are now an important concern in the domestic market and the law has strengthened Vietnam’s integration into the regional and global economy.  This thesis identifies the factors determining the promulgation of the VCL (2004). It argues factors came from both internal and external sites. Changes in economic political thinking and negative experience in the national economy for a long period are found to be the main forces for the promulgation from a domestic perspective. While entering a number of regional organizations like ASEAN and APEC and indirect pressure from application for entrance into the WTO and negotiation with the U.S. under the Bilateral Trade Agreement are the main forces from an external perspective. The thesis shows how both external and internal factors contributed to and interacted with each other in the enactment of the VCL (2004). It finds these forces were harmonized in a way that met Vietnam’s international obligations and desire for deeper integration with the global economy while also meeting the requirements of competition law in a transitional economy. These findings suggest further study on the process of harmonization of external and internal forces in the area of competition policy is needed to understand better the process of introducing competition policy in transitional economies.</p>


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