The “Refugee Hospital”. Aid Money, Migration Politics, and Uncertain Care in Neoliberal Morocco

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-73
Author(s):  
Lorena Gazzotti
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (183) ◽  
pp. 289-305
Author(s):  
Angela Schweizer

The following article is based on my fieldwork in Morocco and represents anthropological data collected amongst undocumented sub-Saharan migrants in Morocco. They want to enter Europe in search for a better life for themselves and to provide financial support for their families. Due to heavy border security control and repression, they find themselves trapped at the gates of Europe, where they are trying to survive by engaging in various economic activities in the informal sector. The article begins with an overview of the European migration politics in Africa and the geopolitical and historical context of Morocco, in light of the externalization of European border control. I will then analyze the various economic sectors, in which sub-Saharan migrations are active, as well as smuggling networks, informal camps and remittances, on which they largely depend due to the exclusion from the national job market.


2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leen Beyers

Each society has myths about the successful adaptation of former migrants. Historians need to deconstruct these myths by dealing with the imagined boundaries between “indigenous” and “foreign” people that give way to them. This essay does so by comparing how children of Polish interwar immigrants and children of Italian postwar immigrants came to be seen as insiders in the Belgian Limburg mining region. Oral testimonies, associational records, and population data reveal that Poles achieved the status of industrious, adapted people around 1960, due to the equal promotion of Polish and indigenous miners' sons in the mines and to the labour migration regime which constructed Italians as unskilled outsiders. Around 1980, the industrial recession caused unemployment among young Italians. However, migration politics has, since the recession, primarily focused on culture. Moreover, European legislation constructed foreignness as non-European. Consequently, it is not class, but European culture which has turned Italians into “integrated” people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-46
Author(s):  
Johanna Schuster-Craig

“Integration” refers to multiple arenas in German migration politics, including journalistic discourse, public policy, and cultural logics about incorporating immigrants and refugees into the nation. This article examines two non-fiction narratives, Das Ende der Geduld by Kirsten Heisig and Muslim Girls by Sineb El Masrar, to explore how each author characterizes integration from opposite sides of the political spectrum. In integration politics, adolescence is often construed as a problem, which—when improperly managed—leads to the criminalization or radicalization of youth of color. Comparative analysis of these two texts shows that institutions such as the school and the criminal justice system produce adolescence as a problem for integration and as a way to avoid acknowledging institutionalized inequity. These two examples exist as part of a longer genealogy of authors using mass-market paperbacks to comment on integration politics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 004711782096704
Author(s):  
Ian Paterson ◽  
Georgios Karyotis

The ‘securitisation’ of migration is argued to rest on a process of framing migrants as a threat to key values, principally identity. Yet, the socially constructed nature of ‘identity’ implies the potential for dual usage: support and contestation of the security frame. Using the UK as an illustrative case, this overlooked dynamic is explored through mixed-methods, incorporating elite political and religious discourse (2005–2015) and original public attitudinal survey evidence. The discourse analysis reveals that the preservation of an imperilled British identity (‘tolerance’) is a frame invoked, in different ways and by different actors, to either support or contest the securitisation of migration. Similarly, British citizens who deeply value the preservation of ‘Britishness’ have diverse, positive and negative views on migration, challenging the notion that identity as a referent object is deterministically linked to anti-immigration attitudes. The innovative concept of ‘counter-securitisation’ is utilised and developed, unpicking these nuances and their implications.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keneshia N. Grant

AbstractThe Great Migration fundamentally reshaped Northern electorates. Millions of Black voters, who had been unable to vote in the South, became eligible to vote through their resettlement in the North. In many instances, parties and politicians believed that Black voters were the balance of power in elections. This belief led them to change their approaches and make specific appeals to Black voters in an effort to win their support. Although scholars of American politics have revised the dominant narrative about the development of the Democratic Party on issues related to race, they fail to account for the role of Black voters in contributing to the Party’s change. The goal of this work is to describe how the Great Migration influenced Democratic Party interactions with Black voters in presidential elections from 1948–1960. I argue that increasing competition between the Democratic and Republican Parties, coupled with Black migrants’ location in electorally important states, made Black voters an important target of presidential campaign strategy in the post-war era.


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