Slavery and the Rise of American Capitalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 799-805
Author(s):  
Alex Allison

Slavery has deep roots in the rise of American capitalism, and two recent publications have made significant contributions toward our understanding of how human bondage shaped the growth of the United States’ economy in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Accounting for Slavery: Masters and Management, by Caitlin Rosenthal, and Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development, edited by Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, each explore traditionally overlooked aspects of slavery’s connection to business innovation and American capitalism and present readers with a fuller—and perhaps more complicated—narrative of the ties between enslavement and the economy.

Author(s):  
Whitney Hua ◽  
Jane Junn

Abstract As racial tensions flare amidst a global pandemic and national social justice upheaval, the centrality of structural racism has renewed old questions and raised new ones about where Asian Americans fit in U.S. politics. This paper provides an overview of the unique racial history of Asians in the United States and analyzes the implications of dynamic racialization and status for Asian Americans. In particular, we examine the dynamism of Asian Americans' racial positionality relative to historical shifts in economic-based conceptions of their desirability as workers in American capitalism. Taking history, power, and institutions of white supremacy into account, we analyze where Asian Americans fit in contemporary U.S. politics, presenting a better understanding of the persistent structures underlying racial inequality and developing a foundation from which Asian Americans can work to enhance equality.


1995 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-323
Author(s):  
Rhoda H. Halperin

The author comments on the use of anthropological methodologies in economic development research and practice in a developed economy such as the United States. The focus is the article by Morales, Balkin, and Persky on the closing of Chicago's Maxwell Street Market in August 1994. The article focuses on monetary losses for both buyers (consumers of market goods) and sellers (vendors of those goods) resulting from the closing of the market. Also included are a brief history of the market and a review of the literature on the informal economy. The authors measure “the value of street vending” by combining ethnographic and economic analytical methods.


Author(s):  
Renata Keller

Relations between the United States and Mexico have rarely been easy. Ever since the United States invaded its southern neighbor and seized half of its national territory in the 19th century, the two countries have struggled to establish a relationship based on mutual trust and respect. Over the two centuries since Mexico’s independence, the governments and citizens of both countries have played central roles in shaping each other’s political, economic, social, and cultural development. Although this process has involved—even required—a great deal of cooperation, relations between the United States and Mexico have more often been characterized by antagonism, exploitation, and unilateralism. This long history of tensions has contributed to the three greatest challenges that these countries face together today: economic development, immigration, and drug-related violence.


Peyote Effect ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 169-176
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Dawson

We begin the book’s conclusion with the juxtaposition of two different stories of peyotism: the creation of an ecotourism business featuring Wixárika peyotism in Potrero de la Palmita, Nayarit, in 2010 and the short history of an African American peyotist church in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in the 1920s. The former is licit, enjoying support by a state committed to economic development, while the latter faced constant threats from the police before collapsing, in part due to its members’ fear of arrest. These two stories remind us of the central roles that place and time play in the history of peyotism across the U.S.-Mexican border, but they also force us to consider the ways that ideas about race have informed the battles over peyote in Mexico and the United States. Particularly striking is the fact that the racial prohibitions enacted by the Spanish Inquisition resonate with current law. Also notable is the fact that Mexicans and Americans have deployed similar ideas about race over time in their battles over peyote. This speaks to the underlying anxieties that indigeneity evokes in both societies, as well as the role that indigenous subjects have played in the creation of whiteness in both the United States and Mexico.


2021 ◽  
pp. 66-68
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn

This chapter discusses how raiding was the foundation of Western economic growth. It is also an active component of economic development in the Global South today. Capitalism may operate through the voluntaristic choices of the free market, but it reinforces itself with coercion. The technical term for modern-day raiding is “primitive accumulation,” a word used by Karl Marx to describe the origin of capitalism. The chapter then considers how the United States is an example of capitalism based on forcible land acquisition. In the Global South, land is often just taken away by plain, ordinary coercion. Colombia has a particularly violent history of land seizure. The chapter looks at the scale and violence of contemporary expropriation in Colombia.


1968 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald R. Adams

Recent scholarly work in the economic history of the precivil War United States has produced an impressive array of statistical data. Estimates of income, output, capital stock, and population growth and distribution have been generated utilizing a variety of empirical sources and statistical techniques. But, despite these welcome advances in our knowledge and understanding of the early American economy, a number of important statistical records continue to elude scholars of the period. Information concerning immigration before 1820, the occupational distribution of the labor force, employment statistics, the cost of living, and the level and movement of retail prices and wages would, if available, prove valuable additions to our growing knowledge of the United States economy before 1860.


1955 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-111
Author(s):  
Everett D. Hawkins

MOST American forecasters in the first half of 1955 were optimistic about the United States economy, but many were gloomy about the prospects for Asia. The head-shaking over Indonesia was particularly grave.1 Such a pessimistic outlook was perhaps a natural reaction to the sanguine attitude that followed the Indonesian achievement of freedom from the Dutch on December 27, 1949. In Indonesia itself, a battle raged in 1955—culminating in the overthrow of the Ali cabinet—between those out of power who blamed the cabinet for inflation, insecurity, and corruption, and those in power who tried to place the onus on previous cabinets, the Dutch, and remnants of colonialism. Indonesian newspapers played up these disputes with perhaps even more vigor than the American press handles party differences within the United States.Indonesia is a classic example of a recently freed, former colony. Winning sovereignty from the Netherlands ended the first and basically the simpler phase of the revolution. The second phase, more difficult and much more gradual, must evolve new institutions to make the country a truly independent power and ensure economic development with a rising standard of living for her people. She is struggling with the usual boom-and-bust cycle that characterizes araw-material producing country. In the 1930's, she suffered through the sugar depression. Since she gained her freedom, rubber, tin, and copra, comprising over 70 per cent of her exports, have give hera hectic ride on the roller coaster of world prices.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-177
Author(s):  
Paul M. Heideman

AbstractJeffrey B. Perry’s biography of Hubert Harrison restores the legacy of a central figure in the history of Black radicalism. Though largely forgotten today, Harrison was acknowledged by his early-twentieth-century peers as ‘the father of Harlem radicalism’. Author of pioneering analyses of white supremacy’s role in American capitalism, proponent of armed self-defence among African-Americans, and anti-colonial intellectual, Harrison played a central role in the development of Black politics in the United States. This review traces Harrison’s journey from socialist organiser to Black nationalist, considering its implications for the history of American radicalism.


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