scholarly journals Gender Ideologies and Polish Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Anna Gwiazda

Abstract This article explores the gender dimension of ideology and representation by analysing the political parties that ran in the 2019 Polish parliamentary elections, using a novel analytical framework based on gender claims and gender-related policy pledges. This article demonstrates that a left and liberal ideology largely determines feminist and pro-LGBTQ+ promissory representation. However, the gender ideologies of right-wing political parties vary in their traditional types and can include a populist element. This article contributes to comparative gender and politics scholarship by examining gender ideologies in the Central and Eastern European context, where on the one hand, populism and anti-gender campaigns have taken hold, and, on the other, feminist and progressive movements have challenged traditionalism and illiberalism. This article also differentiates a scholarly meaning of gender ideology from its populist meaning.

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 80-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosie Campbell ◽  
Silvia Erzeel

This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.


Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-188
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Jagodzinski ◽  
Jürgen Friedrichs ◽  
Hermann Dülmer

During the last years immigration has aggravated the socialproblems in many disadvantaged urban districts. High proportions of foreigners are concentrating in those areas which suffer from unemployment and bad housing conditions. The accumulation of social problems has created a climate of insecurity, social prejudices, and political dissatisfaction. Since political discontent presently is not remedied by the established political parties, it results in low voting participation and increasing proportions of right wing votes. The close connection between the intensity of social problems on the one side, low voter turnout and high success of right extremist parties on the other side, is empirically established by an ecological analysis of the recent state elections in Hamburg.


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Messner

By the mid-Twentieth Century in the U.S., a dominant ideology of natural, categorical differences between women and men was an organic part of the unequal distribution of women and men into domestic and public realms, especially in middle class families. Sport was a key site for the naturalization of this ideology, which I call “hard essentialism.” Since the 1970s, an explosion of female athletic participation mirrored the movement of women into the professions, leading scholars to examine sport as a terrain of contested gender relations. This paper extends that discussion by positing a four-part periodization of hegemonic and counter-hegemonic gender ideologies, stretching from the mid-Twentieth Century to the present. Touching down empirically on contemporary professional class youth sports coaches’ views of children and gender, I identify an ascendant gender ideology I call “soft essentialism.” I argue that youth sports has become a key site for the construction of soft essentialist narratives that appropriate the liberal feminist language of “choice” for girls, but not for boys, thus serving to recreate and naturalize class-based gender asymmetries and inequalities. I end by outlining emergent strategies that spring from the contradictions of soft essentialism.


Author(s):  
Belén Fernández Suárez

This article aims to analyse the gender equality and immigration discourse of VOX. VOX is a member of the European radical right-wing family of political parties that are characterised by the ideological principles of conservatism, nationalism, and nativism. In its analysis of the growth of such forces in Europe, this article focuses on the intersection between the fields of migration studies and gender studies. Qualitative methodology is employed to analyse the official documents and parliamentary speeches of this political party. The results of the analysis obtained show that VOX calls for greater border control and tougher penalties for irregular immigration, which they view as a crime. On gender issues they seek to preserve traditional roles and the division of labour along gender lines, attack feminism as an ideology, and finally, promote natalist policies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Gabriel DVOSKIN ◽  
Anelise Gregis ESTIVALET

RESUMONos últimos anos, diferentes países como Brasil e Argentina têm incluído temas relacionados à sexualidade como conteúdo curricular, medida que abriu uma série de debates na agenda pública acerca do papel que deve cumprir a instituição escolar no tratamento de questões relacionadas com a sexualidade e o gênero. Esta problemática regional tem se manifestado de forma eloquente e a polêmica sobre este tema pôs em circulação expressões como “ideologia de gênero”, que marcam uma clara resistência a este tipo de medida. Assim, analisaremos os discursos que têm circulado sobre a educação sexual e focalizaremos nosso interesse, especificamente, nas controvérsias geradas em relação às questões de gênero. A análise dos esquemas argumentativos que apresentam esses discursos nos permitirá, por um lado, analisar as polêmicas surgidas em torno das noções de gênero na educação sexual e, por outro, comparar as regularidades e rupturas que aparecem nos dois países.Gênero. Sexualidade. Argumentação. Gender and sexuality: (or) positions about sex educationABSTRACTIn recent years, different countries such as Brazil and Argentina have included topics related to sexuality as a curricular content. This process has opened a series of debates on the public agenda about the role that the school institution should fulfill regarding matters related to sexuality and gender. This regional problem has manifested itself eloquently and, the controversy on this topic has put out expressions like “gender ideology”, that mark a clear resistance to this process. Thus, we will analyze the discourses that have been circulating about sex education and focus our interest, specifically, on the controversies generated in relation to gender issues. The analysis of the argumentative schemes that these speeches present will allow us, on the one hand, to analyze the controversies arising around the notions of gender in sexual education and, on the other hand, to compare the regularities and ruptures that appear in both countries.Gender. Sexuality. Argumentation. Género y sexualidad: (o) Posiciones sobre educación sexualRESUMEN En los últimos años, diferentes países como Brasil y Argentina han incluido temas relacionados con la sexualidad como contenido curricular, una medida que abrió una serie de debates en la agenda pública sobre el papel que debe desempeñar la institución escolar en el tratamiento de cuestiones relacionadas con la sexualidad y el género. Esta problemática regional se ha manifestado de manera elocuente y la controversia sobre este tema ha puesto en circulación expresiones como "ideología de género", que marcan una clara resistencia a este tipo de medida. Por lo tanto, analizaremos los discursos que han estado circulando sobre la educación sexual y enfocaremos nuestro interés, específicamente, en las controversias generadas en relación con los temas de género. El análisis de los esquemas argumentativos que presentan estos discursos nos permitirá, por un lado, analizar las controversias que surgieron en torno a las nociones de género en la educación sexual y, por otro, comparar las regularidades y rupturas que aparecen en ambos países.Género. Sexualidad. Argumentación. Genere e sessualità: (o) Posizioni sull'educazione sessualeSINTESE Negli ultimi anni, diversi paesi come il Brasile e l'Argentina hanno incluso questioni legate alla sessualità come contenuto curricolare, una misura che ha aperto una serie di dibattiti sull'agenda pubblica sul ruolo che l'istituzione scolastica dovrebbe svolgere nel trattare le questioni relative a Sessualità e genere. Questo problema regionale si è manifestato eloquentemente e la controversia su questo tema ha messo in circolazione espressioni come "ideologia di genere", che segnano una chiara resistenza a questo tipo di misura. Pertanto, analizzeremo i discorsi circolanti sull'educazione sessuale e focalizzeremo il nostro interesse, in particolare, sulle controversie generate in relazione alle questioni di genere. L'analisi degli schemi argomentativi presentati da questi discorsi ci permetterà, da un lato, di analizzare le controversie sorte intorno alle nozioni di genere nell'educazione sessuale e, dall'altro, di confrontare le regolarità e le rotture che compaiono in entrambi i paesi.Genere. La sessualità. Argomentazione.


Author(s):  
Erzsébet Barát

This chapter reviews research on populism by describing the role of discourse in articulating a “we” as an empty signifier. The emergence of “gender-ideology” discourse is presented as key to contemporary forms of exclusionary populism, as demonstrated in a case study of Hungary’s recent modification of the national register to prevent transgender individuals from retroactively changing their “sex at birth” status. The chapter argues that the discrediting of gender as an ideology mobilizes not only exclusionary right-wing populism but also feminisms asserting binary distinctions of a biologized sex and gender. While the government defends “us, the Hungarian people” against a “gender” that is not material but pure propaganda, self-identified progressive feminists dismiss trans-politics for focusing on identity instead of political economy. Both groups thus use “gender ideology” to mobilize an exclusionary rhetoric of hate. The chapter proposes that “us, the people” may instead be used to motivate a radical left populism organized around a “feminist people” of flexible inclusivity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (10) ◽  
pp. 1119-1133
Author(s):  
Cheryl Llewellyn

Female circumcision and domestic violence asylum cases have been treated differently in the asylum system. The main explanation for differential adjudication has rested on racialized and ethnocentric constructions of harm. In this article, I examine differences between these cases by analyzing how gendered claims are constructed in female circumcision compared with domestic violence asylum claims. I identify three key themes (immutability, particularity, and universality) and show how they are linked to underlying gender ideologies in these cases. Findings suggest that gender ideology that relies on the biologically sexed body influences interpretations of gender-based asylum cases. Both female circumcision and domestic violence cases make explicit the underlying sex-based logics that operate in the construction of gender group claims, creating an advantage for women claiming asylum based on female circumcision and invoking the sexed body. Although the strategy of invoking the sexed body may benefit some applicants in the short term, these sex-based politics may hinder the development of gender asylum practice more generally.


2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (9) ◽  
pp. 1136-1160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Fagan ◽  
Julie Press

This study employed the ecological systems perspective and gender ideology theory to examine the influence of fathers' paid work–family crossover and family involvement on self-reports of work–family balance by employed mothers with children under the age of 13 ( N = 179). Multiple regression analyses revealed that fathers' crossover factors had a significant influence on mothers' perceptions of successful work–family balance. Mothers reported lower levels of work–family balance when fathers brought more stress from work to home. Mothers with more traditional gender ideologies reported higher levels of work–family balance when the father had a flexible job and when he was more involved in child care.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Ahmad H. Sa'di

The long-term shift of the Israeli public to the right has resulted in the ascendance of a host of radical right wing ideologies and political parties. Yisrael Beitenu party, led by Avigdor Lieberman, an émigré from the former USSR, has attracted special attention for its xenophobic and fierce anti-Palestinian racist platform on the one hand, and for its audience which is largely composed of new Russian immigrants on the other. Various explanations have been given for the ascendance of this party, such as the imperialist culture of its Russian audience, its populist messages which lure citizens – mostly new migrants – disillusioned with the liberal democratic system and the racism prevalent in Russian culture towards the Muslim peoples of central Asia. However, a careful review of the political attitudes of Yisrael Beitenu supporters reveals that their beliefs are not significantly different from those held by mainstream Israelis. Thus, instead of looking for explanations for the rise of Yisrael Beitenu exogenous to Israeli culture and society, this article traces these reasons to the colonial nature of Israeli society, where a schizophrenic culture has emerged in which existing reality is denied, and even condemned. The new immigrants, beside the syndrome of over-loyalty which they have, seem to misinterpret the colonial culture into which they arrived. They seem to adhere to the facts of life as they are without much obfuscation or vindication.


Author(s):  
Cary Gabriel Costello

Perceived as natural and universal, the framing of sex and gender as binaries is in fact a cultural ideology. The empirical reality is that sex is a spectrum, manifesting in a wide array of sex variance, some of it formally categorized as intersex by scientists and doctors, and some not. This article gives an overview of how different societies have organized sex and gender into three, four, or more categories, and of the imposition of binary sex/gender as part of the European colonialist project. It then presents case histories examining four transgender and/or intersex individuals in the contemporary context, illustrating how individuals negotiate, exploit, or subvert binary sex/gender ideologies in conceptualizing physical sex variance and gender transition.


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