Urban conflict and voting pattern : some tentative generalizations from the last state election in Hamburg

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-188
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Jagodzinski ◽  
Jürgen Friedrichs ◽  
Hermann Dülmer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Housing Conditions ◽  
Ecological Analysis ◽  
Voting Participation ◽  
Political Dissatisfaction ◽  
The One ◽  
Urban Conflict

During the last years immigration has aggravated the socialproblems in many disadvantaged urban districts. High proportions of foreigners are concentrating in those areas which suffer from unemployment and bad housing conditions. The accumulation of social problems has created a climate of insecurity, social prejudices, and political dissatisfaction. Since political discontent presently is not remedied by the established political parties, it results in low voting participation and increasing proportions of right wing votes. The close connection between the intensity of social problems on the one side, low voter turnout and high success of right extremist parties on the other side, is empirically established by an ecological analysis of the recent state elections in Hamburg.

Mobilization Against the Left? Partisan Consequences of Voter Turnout in the Post-Communist Context

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Nový
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Class Voting ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Explanatory Mechanism

AbstractDoes higher turnout support left-wing parties, as many previous studies assume? Theoretical discussions thus far have been relatively inconclusive. This study proposes three different explanatory mechanisms for examining an aggregate-level relationship between turnout and electoral support for political parties in the post-communist milieu. The conventional hypothesis, based on the assumptions of a successful re-stratification of society and the relevance of class voting, states that higher turnout benefits the left. The second hypothesis is derived from the Michigan model of party identification. In this case, political parties with less loyal electorates would be expected to profit from higher rates of electoral participation. However, this article makes the case for a third possible explanation, termed simply “mobilization against the left,” which reverses the conventional hypothesis. The idea is that the more people come to the polls, the stronger the post-communist right-wing parties will be. This analysis includes two Czech regions that can be said to be farthest away from each other in terms of their socioeconomic and political characteristics. Having analyzed the 2010 Czech parliamentary election results across 1444 electoral districts in two regions, Central Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia, we conclude that there is certain empirical evidence that supports the proposed explanatory mechanism regarding the relationship between voter turnout and share of votes for political parties.

Beyond the Pale? Avigdor Lieberman and Demographic Racism in Israel

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Ahmad H. Sa'di
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Colonial Culture ◽  
Russian Immigrants ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Former Ussr

The long-term shift of the Israeli public to the right has resulted in the ascendance of a host of radical right wing ideologies and political parties. Yisrael Beitenu party, led by Avigdor Lieberman, an émigré from the former USSR, has attracted special attention for its xenophobic and fierce anti-Palestinian racist platform on the one hand, and for its audience which is largely composed of new Russian immigrants on the other. Various explanations have been given for the ascendance of this party, such as the imperialist culture of its Russian audience, its populist messages which lure citizens – mostly new migrants – disillusioned with the liberal democratic system and the racism prevalent in Russian culture towards the Muslim peoples of central Asia. However, a careful review of the political attitudes of Yisrael Beitenu supporters reveals that their beliefs are not significantly different from those held by mainstream Israelis. Thus, instead of looking for explanations for the rise of Yisrael Beitenu exogenous to Israeli culture and society, this article traces these reasons to the colonial nature of Israeli society, where a schizophrenic culture has emerged in which existing reality is denied, and even condemned. The new immigrants, beside the syndrome of over-loyalty which they have, seem to misinterpret the colonial culture into which they arrived. They seem to adhere to the facts of life as they are without much obfuscation or vindication.

scholarly journals The level of representativeness of political parties and the demand for new parties in the Polish party system

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Maciej Marmola
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Nationwide Survey ◽  
Survey Study ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Scene

This paper explores whether the Polish electorate feels that political parties represent their interests and how many voters expect the emergence of new non-parliamentary political movements. A nationwide survey study (N=970) confirms that over 30% of a study sample has no party that could be perceived as representing their interests. Moreover, the results suggest that this may generate the demand for new non-parliamentary parties. With regard to political practice, the study, to some extent, explains why Law and Justice (PiS) won the 2019 parliamentary elections. Unlike other parties, the voters of Law of Justice declare that they have their representatives on the political scene. The one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) reveals that this opinion is more often expressed by elderly, poorly educated, very religious and right-wing voters. The formation of a new non-parliamentary party was more often expected by people describing themselves as center-left, non-religious, average earners and secondary-educated.

scholarly journals Voter Turnout with Peer Punishment

2020 ◽  
Vol 110 (10) ◽  
pp. 3298-3314 ◽  
Author(s):  
David K. Levine ◽  
Andrea Mattozzi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Norms ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Comparative Statics ◽  
Voter Model ◽  
Peer Monitoring ◽  
Voting Participation ◽  
The Cost

We introduce a model where social norms of voting participation are strategically chosen by competing political parties and determine voters’ turnout. Social norms must be enforced through costly peer monitoring and punishment. When the cost of enforcement of social norms is low, the larger party is always advantaged. Otherwise, in the spirit of Olson (1965), the smaller party may be advantaged. Our model shares features of the ethical voter model and it delivers novel and empirically relevant comparative statics results. (JEL D72, Z13)

scholarly journals Gender Ideologies and Polish Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Anna Gwiazda
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Gender And Politics ◽  
Gender Ideologies ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Comparative Gender And Politics

Abstract This article explores the gender dimension of ideology and representation by analysing the political parties that ran in the 2019 Polish parliamentary elections, using a novel analytical framework based on gender claims and gender-related policy pledges. This article demonstrates that a left and liberal ideology largely determines feminist and pro-LGBTQ+ promissory representation. However, the gender ideologies of right-wing political parties vary in their traditional types and can include a populist element. This article contributes to comparative gender and politics scholarship by examining gender ideologies in the Central and Eastern European context, where on the one hand, populism and anti-gender campaigns have taken hold, and, on the other, feminist and progressive movements have challenged traditionalism and illiberalism. This article also differentiates a scholarly meaning of gender ideology from its populist meaning.

scholarly journals Mobilizace proti levici? Stranické konsekvence volební účasti v kontextu postkomunismu

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Nový
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Class Voting ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Party Support

Does higher turnout support left-wing parties, as many previous studies assume? And does communist legacy somehow project on the mentioned relationship? The theoretical discussion is still relatively unclear. This study proposes three different explanatory mechanisms of examining aggregate-level relationship between turnout and electoral support for political parties in the post-communist milieu. The mainstream hypothesis, based on the assumptions of a successful re-stratification of the society and the relevance of class voting, states that higher turnout benefits the left. The second option is derived from the Michigan model of party identification. In this case, political parties with less loyal electorate should profit from higher rates of electoral participation. However, this article makes a case for a third possible explanation, which turns the conventional hypothesis upside down and can be termed simply as „mobilization against the left“. The idea is that the more people come to the polls, the stronger the post-communist right wing parties will be. Moreover, I include in my analysis only two electoral districts (regions) that can be said to be the farthest away from each other in their socioeconomic and political characteristics. Such an approach makes it possible to answer the question whether the expected effect is uniform or unequal across electoral districts in one country. Based on the analysis of election results in 1444 constituencies of two electoral districts in the Central Bohemian and Moravian-Silesian regions in the 2010 Parliamentary elections, I conclude that the proposed approach to the issue of party support and voter turnout has strong empirical support.

Activity of modern right-wing radical parties in the Czech Republic

2019 ◽  
pp. 164-173
Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Political Radicalism

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.

How and Why the Populist Radical Right Persuades Citizens

2019 ◽  
pp. 813-837
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Ivarsflaten ◽  
Scott Blinder ◽  
Lise Bjånesøy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Large Share ◽  
The Past ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Party Family ◽  
Established Democracies

The “populist radical right” is a contested concept in scholarly work for good reason. This chapter begins by explaining that the political parties usually grouped together under this label are not a party family in a conventional sense and do not self-identify with this category. It goes on to show how political science scholarship has established that in Europe during the past thirty or so years we have seen the rise of a set of parties that share a common ideological feature—nativism. The nativist political parties experiencing most electoral support have combined their nativist agenda with some other legitimate ideological companion, which provides deniability—a shield against charges that the nativist agenda makes the parties and their supporters right-wing extremist and undemocratic. The chapter goes on to explain that in order to make progress on our understanding of how and why the populist radical right persuades citizens, we need to recognize: first, that nativism is the only necessary ingredient without which the populist radical right loses its force; and second, that nativism in contemporary established democracies has tended not to persuade a large share of voters without an ideological companion.

Is Distance to Drop Box an Appropriate Proxy for Drop Box Treatment? A Case Study of Washington State

2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110221
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood ◽  
Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
The United States ◽  
Washington State ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Primary 52 ◽  
The One ◽  
Vote By Mail

In the United States, drop box mail-in voting has increased, particularly in the all vote by mail (VBM) states of Washington, Colorado, Utah, and Oregon. To assess if drop boxes improve voter turnout, research proxies box treatment by voters’ residence distance to nearest drop box. However, no research has tested the assumption that voters use drop boxes nearest their residence more so than they do other drop boxes. Using individual-level voter data from a 2020 Washington State election, we show that voters are more likely to use the nearest drop box to their residence relative to other drop boxes. In Washington’s 2020 August primary, 52% of drop box voters in our data used their nearest drop box. Moreover, those who either (1) vote by mail, or (2) used a different drop box from the one closest to their residence live further away from their closest drop box. Implications are discussed.

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