THE TEACHING AND PRACTICE OF FILIAL PIETY IN BUDDHISM

2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-226
Author(s):  
Guang Xing

AbstractBuddhist scholars like Kenneth Ch'en have argued that the teaching of filial piety was a special feature of Chinese Buddhism as a response to the Chinese culture. Others, among them John Strong and Gregory Schopen, have shown that filial piety was also important in Indian Buddhism, but Strong does not consider it integral to the belief system and Schopen did not find evidence of it in early writings he examined. In this article, through an analysis of early Buddhist resources, the Nikāyas and Āgamas, I demonstrate that the practice of filial piety has been the chief good karma in the Buddhist moral teaching since its inception, although it is not as foundational for Buddhist ethics as it is for Confucian ethics. The Buddha advised people to honor parents as the Brahmā, the supreme god and the creator of human beings in Hinduism, as parents have done much for their children. Hence, Buddhism teaches its followers to pay their debts to parents by supporting and respecting them, actions that are considered the first of all meritorious deeds, or good karma, in Buddhist moral teachings. Moreover, according to the Buddhist teaching of karma, matricide and patricide are considered two of the five gravest bad deeds, and the consequence is immediate rebirth in hell. Mahāyāna Buddhism developed the idea of filial piety further and formulated the four debts to four groups of people—parents, sentient beings, rulers, and Buddhism—a teaching that became very popular in Chinese Buddhism and spread to other East Asian countries.

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-62
Author(s):  
Michel Mohr

Abstract This article examines the Sutra on the Difficulty of Reciprocating the Kindness of Parents and its reinterpretation by the Japanese Rinzai Zen monk Tōrei Enji 東嶺圓慈 (1721-1792). In the context of the Tokugawa period (1600-1867) where filial piety was upheld as one of the pillars of morality and Neo-confucian orthodoxy, Tōrei’s commentary of this sutra skillfully combined the particularist understanding of filiality as limited to one’s relatives with its broader construal as a universal attitude of reverence directed toward all sentient beings. The father is envisioned as the wisdom and the excellence of the Buddha, the mother as the compassionate vows of the Bodhisattva, and the children as those who emit the thought of awakening. Tōrei further pushed this interpretation by adding the distinct Zen idea that the initial insight into one’s true nature needs to be surpassed and refined by perfecting the going beyond (kōjō 向上) phase of training, where the child/disciple’s legacy and his indebtedness towards his spiritual mentors is recast in terms of overcoming one’s attainments and attachment to them.


Author(s):  
Guang Xing

Many people, even scholars like Kenneth Ch’en, thought that filial piety is a special feature of Chinese Buddhism because it has been influenced by Confucianism, which considers filial piety as the foundation of its ethics and the root of moral teaching. In fact, we find in the early Buddhist textual sources that filial piety is not only taught and practiced in Indian Buddhism but also considered an essential moral good deed although it is never taken as the foundation of Buddhist moral teaching. One of the most important sutta-s related to this issue in early Buddhist resources is the Pāli Kataññu Sutta, which teaches children to pay their debts to the parents who gave them birth and brought them up with much difficulty and hardship. When Buddhism was introduced in China during the Eastern Han dynasty (25–220), Confucianism already occupied the central position in Chinese philosophical thought, and it continued until the end of imperial rule in the beginning of the early 20th century, although its position was challenged by Buddhism and Daoism from time to time. In response to Confucian criticism of Buddhists being unfilial, the learned Chinese Buddhists retorted in theoretical argumentation in the following four ways: (1) translations of and references to Buddhist sutra-s that teach filial behavior; (2) writing scholarly refutations of the charges of unfilial practices, such as Mouzi’s Lihuolun and Qisong’s Xiaolun; (3) interpreting Buddhist precepts as equal to the Confucian concept of filial piety; and (4) teaching people to pay four debts to four groups of people: parents, all sentient beings, kings, and Buddhists. Ordinary Chinese Buddhists replied to the criticism by (1) composing apocryphal scriptures, such as the Fumu Enzhong Jing (Sūtra on the Great Kindness of Parents), to teach filial piety and (2) popularizing such stories and parables as the Śyama Jātaka and the Ullambana Sūtra by way of public lectures, painted illustrations called Banxiang or tableaus on walls and silk, and annual celebration of the Yulanpen festival, popularly known as the ghost festival. Chinese Buddhism has become a religion that emphasizes the teaching and practice of filial piety with rich resources through such exchange and interaction with Confucianism and Daoism for the last two thousand years. Even today, ordinary Chinese Buddhists still teach and read the Fumu Enzhong Jing and celebrate the Yulanpen festival every year. This influenced Daoism such that they also created a similar text teaching filial piety and celebrate the festival on the same day and perform same activities of feeding the hungry ghosts, but they call it Zhongyuan.


Author(s):  
Kuang-Hui Yeh ◽  
Olwen Bedford

Filial piety has served as a guiding principle of Chinese patterns of moral socialization for millennia. However, interpretation of the values and behaviors emphasized by filial beliefs has evolved with sociopolitical demands. In this chapter, the authors first review the foundations of filial piety in Chinese culture and discuss the connection with relational identity and Confucian ethics. Next, the authors focus on the psychology of filial piety and examine the ways in which filial piety is enacted in modern Chinese societies. They use the case of elder care to demonstrate how indigenous psychological research and tools can allow governments to coordinate with local values and beliefs in developing effective social policy, and they indicate how insights from the dual filial piety model may be used by education and counseling professionals to address important social issues.


Author(s):  
Sihan SUN

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.緩解癌痛是終末期癌症患者安寧療護的重要目標之一。世界衛生組織提出,嗎啡等鴉片類藥物被列為癌症止痛和安寧療護的首選或必備藥物。而談起嗎啡時,人們常常聯想到毒品。尤其在中國這樣一個深受兩次鴉片戰爭影響的國家,人們畏懼嗎啡,並更加謹慎地使用嗎啡。在臨床上,嗎啡的確能夠有效地緩解患者臨終前因癌症引起的疼痛,但不合理地使用也會引起患者的呼吸抑制,導致其死亡。那麼,臨床上到底應該如何正確地使用嗎啡?嗎啡的使用有哪些制度上的支援?嗎啡被當作主動安樂死的一種手段又是否能夠得到儒家倫理學上的辯護?筆者認為,無論在臨床中,還是在制定嗎啡的相關法律法規中,都應將嗎啡的兩種作用:合理劑量的鎮痛作用和加大劑量的主動安樂死作用嚴格的區分開來。用嗎啡安樂死的行為違背了儒家的孝道、弘毅美德以及儒家生命觀和仁愛的思想。本文將通過探究嗎啡的歷史、臨床使用、政策和儒家倫理四個方面,對嗎啡的使用進行具體的研究和分析。Pain control is one of the most important goals of end-of-life care for cancer patients in the terminal phase. The World Health Organization recommends that morphine be considered optimal and even indispensable as a means of relieving pain and providing palliative care. However, people often associate this opioid with illicit drugs, particularly in the context of Chinese culture, due to its close association with the two Anglo–Chinese Opium Wars of the mid-19th century. In clinical settings, morphine is usually the preferred treatment for moderate or severe cancer-related pain. However, excessive morphine use may result in respiratory depression and death. Exploring morphine’s history and clinical usage, relevant policies, and Confucian ethics, this essay shows that a clear distinction must be made between relieving pain and performing active euthanasia in cases of morphine use in current Chinese palliative care and bioethics. The essay offers an approach based on Confucian ethics to analyze how euthanasia via morphine use violates the principles of filial piety (xiao) and humaneness (ren), two virtues emphasized in Confucian tradition.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 432 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chamnong Kanthik ◽  
Sudaporn Khiewngamdee
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel T.L. Shek ◽  
Lu Yu ◽  
Xiao Fu

Abstract Despite the fact that different Chinese communities have already undergone industrialization and urbanization, Confucian virtues are still regarded as developmental ideals in Chinese culture. Unfortunately, while Confucian virtues are commonly discussed under Chinese philosophies, they are rarely examined in the context of developmental research. In this paper, several key Confucian virtues are discussed, including loyalty (“zhong”), filial piety (“xiao”), benevolence (“ren”), affection (“ai”), trustworthiness (“xin”), righteousness (“yi”), harmony (“he”), peace (“ping”), propriety (“li”), wisdom (“zhi”), integrity (“lian”) and shame (“chi”). These Chinese traditional virtues are also linked to the concepts of character strengths and positive youth development constructs highlighted in Western culture. It is argued that Confucian virtues provide an indigenous conceptual framework to understand character strengths and positive youth development in Chinese culture. Furthermore, when service leadership is considered in Chinese contexts, these virtues should be regarded as important cornerstones.


Stroke ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xichenhui Qiu ◽  
Janet W SIT ◽  
Haixia Feng

Introduction: Among the estimated 22.5 million stroke survivors in China, 78% of them require home care. Previous research has indicated that culture can have a significant impact on caregivers’ perceptions of the caregiving role. There is a dearth of research on stroke caregivers’ perceptions within the Chinese culture. Objective: To explore how Chinese culture influences the perceptions of the caregiving role among stroke caregivers. Methods: In this qualitative descriptive study, 14 stroke caregivers were recruited from a 1800-bed regional hospital in China. Caregivers were on average 58 years old (range 46-74), 78% female, 50% spouse-caregivers and 50% children-caregivers. Caregivers spent on average 14 hours per day (range 5-24) providing care. All were 1st time caregivers who had provided stroke caregiving < 12 months. Individual, semi-structured interviews were conducted. Qualitative content analysis was performed. Strategies to achieve trustworthiness include triangulation of the data in the analysis process, member checking and peer debriefing. Results: Three themes emerged from the interviews. (1) Caregiving is a natural expected part of life. All caregivers accepted caregiving for the sick family member as an expected part of life. This perception is deeply rooted in Chinese culture. (2) Caregiving is a culturally prescribed obligation. Spouse caregivers believe that it is their moral obligation to take care of their sick life partner. Female caregivers emphasized their position and role in the family to take up caregiving for sick relative. (3) Caregiving is an expression of reciprocal love within the immediate family. Tangible caregiving and support during adversity are viewed as expression of reciprocal love among family members. Particularly, the children-caregivers believed in the virtue of filial piety and perceived stroke caregiving as a means of repaying their parents. Conclusions: Our findings highlight an underlying acceptance and devotion of undertaking stroke caregiving within the Chinese culture. Researchers and clinicians that plan to develop an intervention to support Chinese stroke caregivers need to consider integrating these findings.


Author(s):  
Xiangjin KONG ◽  
Mingjie ZHAO

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.在具有家庭主義特徵的中國社會文化語境下,儒家家庭本位思想對病人知情同意權的影響是客觀實在。以自由主義和個人主義為理論基礎的個人自主知情同意原則要想在中國本土的醫療實踐中發揮應有作用,突顯家庭在知情同意過程中的主導地位是重要前提。在中國的醫療實踐中,知情同意的模式必須融入中國儒家家庭本位思想,才能更好地發揮其作用。Opinion polls released recently show that the majority of people in China today think that informed consent in medical practice is necessary, with more than half favoring family decision making over individual, autonomous patient decision making. Based on these opinion polls, this essay argues that the liberalism and liberal individualism that emphasize individual autonomy do not square with the Confucian tradition.The essay submits that the “family decision” model is designed to embody Confucian family ethics and maximize the benefit of family involvement in medical decision making. The family model includes both the patient and his or her close family members in the decision making process. The Confucian ethics of humanness (ren) – the highest moral virtue – and filial piety (xiao) – the foundation of all moral virtue – support family as the most appropriate authority for medical decisions. Further, the essay explores how the family as a unit is better positioned to work with the physician at critical moments to protect the interests of the patient. This means that the family, not the patient, is in authority, and that in some cases, it is acceptable for family members to hide “medical information” from the patient with the cooperation of the physician. The essay concludes that the family is, and should be treated as, a significant moral participant in medical decision making.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 99 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 147470491773051 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qingke Guo ◽  
Yujie Li ◽  
Shushuang Yu

Using 347 parent–child dyads as participants, this study directly examined in-law and mate preferences in a typical collectivist culture. The results showed (1) traits indicating social status and parental investment were more highly valued by the parents, while traits indicating genetic quality and traits related to romantic love were more highly valued by the children. (2) Parental preferences were moderated by gender of the in-laws. Good earning capacity was more preferred by parents in a son-in-law, traits connoting genetic quality and reproductive fitness were more preferred by parents in a daughter-in-law. (3) There was more convergence in in-law and mate preferences in Chinese culture than in Western cultures. (4) Traditional cultural values (i.e., filial piety) can be used as a predictor of traditional mate preferences and less parent–child divergences. Additionally, greater preference for kind and understanding by parents than by children as well as by daughters than by sons, and greater preference for social status by the daughters’ than by the sons’ parents have not been observed in the rating and the ranking instrument. These findings illustrated how culture handles the parent–child disagreement over mating by authorizing greater parental influence on children’s mating decisions.


2019 ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Sergey L. Burmistrov ◽  

Buddhist term abhisamaya is usually translated as insight or direct intuitive realization. Hināyāna texts treat it as a synonym for other terms de-noting the realization of the essence of Buddhist teaching. In Mahāyāna treatises it is interpreted as an intuitive recognition of the fact of the verity of Buddhist teaching before the logical realization of the basis of this verity. This recognition is the support for further logical comprehension of the essence of Buddhist teaching. It necessarily entail radical transformation of the person according to the moral principles of Buddhism. Therefore the knowledge acquired through this intuitive realization, unlike mundane knowledge, can never be lost. The question as to whether this abhisamaya gives the knowledge of entire Buddhist teaching or just its different parts that must be comprehended in a given stage of the Buddhist path was given different answers by Mahāyāna thinkers, but common idea was that this path is divided into stages and prelogical recognition is necessarily precedes logical com-prehension. The highest form of this intuitive realization is the realization of the bodhisattva ideal – the ideal of a person who refuses to be absorbed in nirvāṇa for salvation other sentient beings from saṃsāra. The acceptance of this ideal was treated in Mahāyāna as a necessary prerequisite for any intuitive realization of Buddhist Dharma


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