Why Should We Be Beggars with the Ballot in Our Hand? Veto Players and the Failure of Land Value Taxation in the United Kingdom, 1909–14

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-591 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAIN McLEAN ◽  
JENNIFER NOU
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Veto Players ◽  
Temporary Increase ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Land Value ◽  
Fiscal Discipline ◽  
Veto Player ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Entire History

Recent veto player work argues that majoritarian regimes such as the United Kingdom have better fiscal discipline and smaller welfare states than proportional regimes with more veto players. An analytic narrative of the failure of land value taxation in the United Kingdom between 1909 and 1914 shows, however, that it failed not because of previously advanced reasons, but because the number of veto players in British politics was sharply increased. This increase in veto player numbers prevented a tax increase. All seven of the conventional reasons for characterizing the United Kingdom as a low-n veto player regime failed to hold between 1906 and 1914. Observable implications discussed include the need to review the entire history of British politics in this period in the light of the temporary increase in veto players; and the ambiguous implications of number of veto players for fiscal discipline.

The Little Manx Nation: Antiquarianism, Ethnic Identity, and Home Rule Politics in the Isle of Man, 1880–1918

2000 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Belchem
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
General Meeting ◽  
Irish Sea ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Isle Of Man ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Victorian Period ◽  
The Irish Sea ◽  
Frank Kermode

As imperial pride flourished in the racial discourse of late Victorian British politics, ethnic revival and Celtic nationalism also gained purchase and resonance. These complex and seemingly competing issues of identity extended beyond the “four nations” of the United Kingdom to the Isle of Man, a crown dependency constitutionally outside the United Kingdom but at the very center of the British Isles. In this “land of home rule,” adrift in the Irish Sea, the juxtaposition of Britishness and Celticism was particularly acute, compounded by the proud persistence of Norse traditions. Manx independence within the Atlantic archipelago was symbolized by the annual Tynwald Day ceremony, a Viking “Thing” or general meeting, at which the year's new legislation was promulgated in both English and Manx Gaelic. In the late Victorian period, as Anglo-Manx business syndicates invested heavily in the “visiting industry,” transforming the island into “one large playground for the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire,” gentlemanly antiquarians constructed (and/or invented) the necessary traditions to safeguard Manx cultural distinctiveness and its devolved political status. Through the assertion of Celticism, a project that tended to downgrade Norse contributions to the island's past, the little Manx nation girded itself against cultural anglicization, yet remained unquestionably loyal to the British empire.Slightly other than English, the Manx have displayed what Sir Frank Kermode has described as “mild alienation” and “qualified foreignness,” characteristics that need to be considered in the wider debate about British identity.

The southern Irish unionists, the Irish question, and British politics, 1906–14

1967 ◽  
Vol 15 (59) ◽  
pp. 228-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
P.J. Buckland
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
British Politics ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Irish Question ◽  
Deep Impression

The period 1906–14 is often regarded as one of continual disagreement and turmoil in British politics. This may be true; but it is important to understand why. In fact, British politics between 1906 and 1914 were marked by a strong desire to avoid extremes. Developments on the fringe of politics, socialism, syndicalism and suffragism, made a deep impression upon the moderate elements of both major parties and their desire to contain such signs of disturbance was epitomised in the constitutional conference held in 1910. Yet the Irish question frustrated attempts at moderation, embittered politics and hindered the development of a more representative, democratic and social stage in the United Kingdom.

Mapping Differentiated Integration

2020 ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Frank Schimmelfennig ◽  
Thomas Winzen
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Member States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Differentiated Integration ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History ◽  
Law And Legislation ◽  
Dramatic Growth ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Eu

This chapter maps the development of differentiated integration over the entire history of the EU and across all member states and policies. It shows that differentiation has been on the rise in treaty law and legislation. Yet, relative to the dramatic growth in EU authority and member states over time, there is no evidence for a trend towards ‘ever looser union’. This chapter further shows that differentiated integration is mainly ‘multi-speed’. Most national opt-outs are temporary and end after a few years. However, there is evidence for ‘multi-tier’ integration, too. A small and stable periphery has formed driven by Denmark and the United Kingdom. While there is no sign of multi-menu integration, differentiation also has a policy dimension in that the integration and differentiation of core state powers shapes the evolving multi-tier structure of the EU. In contrast, the EU’s market and flanking policies constitute the domain of multi-speed integration.

From Reformism to Resignation and Remedialism? Labour's Trajectory Through British Politics

2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Wickham-Jones
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
New Labour ◽  
General Election ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Radical Transformation

On 9 April 1992, the British Labour party lost its fourth successive general election. The outcome, coming after prolonged economic difficulties, led many commentators to call into question altogether the viability of the reformist project in the United Kingdom. For Labour's leaders, the result was bitterly disappointing. To lose any general election is, of course, evidence of failure. But, given the extent of the radical transformation the party appeared to have undergone in the late 1980s and early 1990s, to lose in the propitious circumstances of 1992 was especially frustrating. Just over five years later, however, much of the period under a new leader, Tony Blair, and having undergone further dramatic adaptation, including a comprehensive rebranding as “New Labour,” the party not only took office at the general election of 1 May 1997 but won a landslide victory of 179 seats. A little over four years later it won a second landslide victory with a majority just 12 seats fewer at 167: it was an unparalleled achievement in the party's history.

scholarly journals Tax Compliance in the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America: Forcing and Encouraging Lawful Conduct of Taxpayers

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Ovcharova ◽  
Kirill Tasalov ◽  
Dina Osina
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Tax Compliance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Control Measures ◽  
Tax Legislation ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Usa ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History ◽  
Lawful Conduct

The article is devoted to the consideration of the system for the tax authorities to assess tax risks and to prevent tax law violations. The work focuses on how the tax authorities affect the conduct of taxpayers through “soft law,” disclose information about their approach towards understanding tax risks and enforce a system of measures to ensure compliance. Tax compliance is analysed in the article as good-faith and lawful conduct of a taxpayer, which is formed under the influence of a system of, at the same time, preventive and incentive measures. This article considers tax compliance issues in Russia, the United Kingdom and the USA, not so much as a consequence of the voluntary actions of the taxpayer, but as a consequence of the conditions that are set for a taxpayer by the administrative action of tax authorities. To do this, the approaches of the tax authorities to defining the criteria for tax risks and the procedure for assessing them are analysed, as is the effect of these approaches on the subsequent implementation of tax control measures, while the system of enforcement measures and incentives for taxpayers to comply with tax legislation are examined. Tax compliance is the most desirable regime for the state, but in the entire history of taxation no jurisdiction has been able to achieve full tax collection solely based on a persuasive method. At the same time, owing to the limited resources of tax administrations, in practice there is no real opportunity to examine absolutely every taxpayer. For specifically this reason, a risk-based approach to carrying out tax control with a reasonable combination of both incentive measures and the enforcement of compliance with tax legislation is becoming increasingly relevant. The authors consider the implementation of a risk-based approach and its effect on tax compliance, on the choice of tax control measures, and on depth and scope in terms thereof, using the example of the experience of Russia, the United Kingdom and the USA. The article also pays special attention to an analysis of incentive measures and the enforcement of tax compliance in these jurisdictions.

scholarly journals Redistribution and Insurance in Welfare States Around the World

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Bartels ◽  
Dirk Neumann
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
The United States ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Income Smoothing ◽  
Working Paper ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Long Run ◽  
High Level

Redistribution across individuals in a one-year-period framework is an empirically intensely studied question. However, a substantial share of annual redistribution might turn out to serve individual insurance in a longer perspective, reducing the level of actual redistribution across individuals. This paper investigates to what extent long-run redistribution diverges from annual redistribution in welfare states of different types. Exploiting panel data from the Cross-National Equivalent File (CNEF) for Australia, Germany, South Korea, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, we find that welfare states like Germany that are assumed to engage in a high level of redistribution actually achieve relatively less redistribution between individuals in the long run than the United Kingdom or the United States. Regression results show that a higher share of elderly in a country is associated with more annual redistribution, but with less long-run redistribution between individuals. The results suggest that, in welfare states with aging populations, we might expect growing annual redistribution that, to a substantial extent, is in fact income smoothing for the elderly. (Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality Working Paper Series)

Just Visiting? The Weakening of Social Protection in a Mobile World

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Banting ◽  
Edward Koning
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Temporary Migrants ◽  
The Way

Recent scholarship has become increasingly attentive to the way different welfare states include or exclude newcomers. Much of this literature has focused on the access to benefits granted to immigrants with a permanent status. While this emphasis is understandable, it ignores the growing ranks of individuals who do not settle permanently, either because they are only given temporary status or because they choose to move on. This paper helps to fill this gap by comparing four countries that are very different in the way they treat temporary migrants: Sweden, Canada, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. We find that migrants on a temporary permit are among the most weakly protected in each of these countries, but that the exclusion is more severe in countries where politicians face considerable political pressure to appear tough on immigration and where there are few institutional protections to protect temporary residents from such pressures. These findings highlight both the fragility of social protection in a world of mobility and the importance of firmly entrenched protections of equal treatment.

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