Sir Simonds D'Ewes and the levying of ship money, 1635–1640

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. P. Salt
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the relationship between constitutional ideas and political action during the 1630s by comparing the privately expressed ideas of Sir Simonds D'Ewes regarding ship money with his conduct regarding the levy, especially while he was sheriff of Suffolk in 1639–40. The first section investigates the constitutionalist views expressed in D'Ewes's ‘autobiography’, unpublished during his lifetime, and their relationship to D'Ewes's attitude to the political role of the levy. The second section studies D'Ewes's conduct as sheriff, in which he gave almost no expression to constitutionalist ideas, and suggests that he struck a middle course between neglect and zeal, while finding means to oppose the levy through his connections at court. The third section seeks to establish the reasons for the inconsistencies between D'Ewes's privately expressed ideas and his public conduct, which may have lain in a belief that, in the prevailing political situation, criticism of the levy had, in order to be effective, to be expressed in terms acceptable to potentially sympathetic courtiers; D'Ewes adapted the tone of his comments on ship money to his audience in order to achieve political ends, but had also to act in ways which would make that tone convincing. Participation in the collection of ship money was therefore not inconsistent with opposition to it.

scholarly journals Apuntes para una mecánica política del paisaje (Ilustrados con algunas escenas barcelonesas) | Notes on the politics of landscape (Illustrated with a few scenes of Barcelona)

ZARCH ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ténez Ybern
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Group ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Dynamic Relationship ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

Si asumimos que el paisaje es el resultado perceptible de la relación dinámica entre un determinado grupo humano y su medio; esa definición que se cuenta entre las de más consenso entre aquellos que dicen hacer paisajes, suscita de inmediato ciertas preguntas: ¿Cuál es el papel de aquel que pretende crear paisajes, si el paisaje es un proceso que se da por si solo? ¿Hasta qué punto incide cambiar el aspecto de un lugar en esa relación entre la gente y su entorno cotidiano?El texto pretende explorar las consecuencias de esas paradójicas preguntas, a partir de una primera hipótesis: la del carácter intrínsecamente político del proyecto del paisaje. De esta hipótesis parte la intención de mostrar la evolución de la reflexión sobre ese papel político del hacer paisajes, en el que el hacedor de paisajes que está siempre situado entre los equilibrios de poder que se establecen entre las instituciones y la gente. A partir de aquí, se analizan algunos momentos clave de la historia de ese paisaje político, donde el “hacedor de paisajes” intenta encontrar su lugar.En el horizonte del texto, aparecen también imágenes de la historia reciente de mi ciudad, a modo de ilustración de lo dicho. If we accept that landscape is the perceptible result of the dynamic relationship process between a specific human group and an environment, this definition, which enjoys the most acceptance among those people who ‘make landscape’, immediately raises certain questions: What is the role of the person who aims to create landscapes, if landscape is a process that takes place on its own? To what point does this affect the relationship between people and their daily setting?This article initially aims to explore the consequences of that paradox through a first hypothesis: the intrinsically political nature of the landscape project. This hypothesis springs from the intention of describing the evolution of the reflection on this political role of making landscape, in which ‘landscape makers’ constantly find themselves affected by the balance of power established between institutions and people. Subsequently, analysis will be conducted on a series of key periods in the history of the political landscape in which landscape makers endeavour to find their place.Pictures of the recent history of my city appear interspersed within the text, in order to illustrate what has been described.

Reading inquiry through the prism of unemployement

2020 ◽  
pp. 201-216
Author(s):  
Guillaume Heuguet
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Doctoral Students ◽  
Science Inquiry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

This exploratory text starts from a doctoral-unemployed experience and was triggered by the discussions within a collective of doctoral students on this particularly ambiguous status since it is situated between student, unemployed, worker, self-entrepreneur, citizen-subject of social rights or user-commuter in offices and forms. These discussions motivated the reading and commentary of a heterogeneous set of texts on unemployment, precariousness and the functioning of the institutions of the social state. This article thus focuses on the relationship between knowledge and unemployment, as embodied in the public space, in the relationship with Pôle Emploi, and in the academic literature. It articulates a threefold problematic : what is known and said publicly about unemployment? What can we learn from the very experience of the relationship with an institution like Pôle Emploi? How can these observations contribute to an understanding of social science inquiry and the political role of knowledge fromm precariousness?

scholarly journals Away from Politics? Trajectories of Italian Third Sector after the 2008 Crisis

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Busso
Keyword(s):  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Third Sector ◽  
Social Enterprises ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Management Models ◽  
Managerial Strategies ◽  
The Relationship

In modern democracies, nonprofit organizations and social enterprises have a relevant political role that may be threatened by the entry into the market of services. This risk increases in time of economic crisis, when the competition grows stronger and the economic needs become more urgent. Starting from this assumption, the article analyzes the relationship between the managerial strategies and the political role of the Italian third sector, focusing on the implications of the management models put in place in order to “survive” the 2008 economic crisis. Two ideal-typical strategies will be outlined, labelled respectively “entrepreneurial turn” and “hyper-embeddedness”, which seem to have effects both in terms of the manner in which the political role is realized, and in terms of the degree of politicization of the organizations. Since such strategies can both increase or decrease nonprofits’ political ambitions, it is not possible to give an interpretation in terms of a tout court distancing from politics. However, it will be argued that a trait common to all the trajectories is the withdrawal from what Mouffe defines “the political”, referring specifically to the dimension of conflict and antagonism.

scholarly journals COURTS, COURTIERS, AND CULTURE IN TUDOR ENGLAND

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 703-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATALIE MEARS
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Tudor England ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Court Politics ◽  
The Relationship

Geoffrey Elton's model of Tudor politics, which emphasized the importance of political institutions and which dominated our understanding of Tudor politics for much of the second half of the twentieth century, has been challenged by a number of historians for over twenty years. They have re-emphasized the importance of social connections and cultural influences and turned attention away from studying the privy council to studying the court. In doing so, they have gone back to re-examine earlier approaches by Sir John Neale and Conyers Read which Elton had challenged. Yet, these new socially and culturally derived approaches, recently labelled ‘New Tudor political history’, remain varied and its practitioners sometimes at odds with each other. Focusing on both established seminal works and recent research, this review considers the different elements of these approaches in relation to Tudor court politics. It assesses the methodological problems they raise and identifies what shortcomings still remain. It demonstrates that Tudor politics are increasingly defined as based on social networks rather than institutional bodies, making issues of access to, and intimacy with, the monarch central. Our understanding has been further enhanced by exploration of political culture and its relationship to political action. However, the review points to the need to integrate more fully the political role of women and the relationship between the court and the wider political community into our understanding of Tudor politics, as well as place England into a European context.

scholarly journals Intertextuality of Political Discourse in Germany (on the Example of “Political Ash Wedfnesday”)

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-90
Author(s):  
Maria A. Elizarieva ◽  
Marina A. Chigasheva ◽  
Boris Blahak ◽  
Maria Yu. Mikhina
Keyword(s):  
Literary Work ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Television Commercial ◽  
The Third ◽  
Christian Social Union ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

The article is devoted to the role of intertext in public speeches of politicians of the Christian Social Union in Bavaria within the framework of the “political ash Wednesday”. On the example of the speeches of M. Söder, A. Scheuer and M. Blume in 2018, the relationship between the type of intertext and its pretext, on the one hand, and the speaker’s intention, on the other, was analyzed. As a result of the analysis of 23 intertextual inclusions, four intentions were revealed, among which (48 %) criticism of political opponents (SDPG, “The Greens”, AfD, “Free Voters”) prevails. Quotes from representatives of these parties, political slogans, a paraphrase of the name of the eco-movement and a quote from an artist are used to express it. As the intertextual analysis showed, to verbalize the second intention (appeal to authoritative opinion and emphasize the continuity of the party course), the former chairman of the CSU F. J. Strauss is cited, while the third intention (opposing Bavaria to the rest of Germany) is implemented using a quote from the Bavarian anthem, a paraphrase of a television commercial and quotations from a literary work. In addition, the authors found that the fourth intention (emphasizing the dialogic nature of communication with ordinary people) is found only in M. Söder’s speech in the form of a retelling of his dialogues with ordinary citizens.

scholarly journals ISLAM, STATE AND SECULARISM; ANALYSIS ON THE SUBSTANTIVE POLITICAL PARADIGM IN INDONESIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamad Latief ◽  
Mifedwil Jandra
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Preference ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Pluralistic Society ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Proper Role ◽  
The One ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
The Relationship

This research aims at analyzing political secularism in Indonesia and most specifically dealing with the recurrent polemic upon the relationship between Islam and State. The research initially seeks to describe the political situation of the country where the formalistic and substantives debate, especially on their distinctive approach to stipulate the proper role of religion on the country’s politic, could be witnessed. The description, however, will deal more on the latter political paradigm which is increasingly grasping an impressive preference from numbers of political individuals and institutions particularly when they come to discuss Islamic tenets and their application within the context of a pluralistic society like Indonesia. Using normative and socio-historical approaches, the paper argues that this political preference, despite its convincing successes in Islamizing the country’s politic, still suffers from numbers of defects that finally raise our apprehension. These defects summarily provide proofs to the questioned commitment of the substantive to the Islamic political values as a whole; the one which reveals an agreed separation of the state and religion; the one of secularism.Keywords; Formalistic, Substantive, Secularism, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Amanat Nasional. AbstractThis research aims at analyzing political secularism in Indonesia and most specifically dealing with the recurrent polemic upon the relationship between Islam and State. The research initially seeks to describe the political situation of the country where the formalistic and substantives debate, especially on their distinctive approach to stipulate the proper role of religion on the country’s politic, could be witnessed. The description, however, will deal more on the latter political paradigm which is increasingly grasping an impressive preference from numbers of political individuals and institutions particularly when they come to discuss Islamic tenets and their application within the context of a pluralistic society like Indonesia. Using normative and socio-historical approaches, the paper argues that this political preference, despite its convincing successes in Islamizing the country’s politic, still suffers from numbers of defects that finally raise our apprehension. These defects summarily provide proofs to the questioned commitment of the substantive to the Islamic political values as a whole; the one which reveals an agreed separation of the state and religion; the one of secularism.Keywords; Formalistic, Substantive, Secularism, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Amanat Nasional.

Searching for “Tolerance” in Islamic Thought

2019 ◽  
pp. 524-545
Author(s):  
Humeira Iqtidar
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Liberal Conception ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Historical Origins

This chapter argues that the search for liberal tolerance within Islamic thought will inevitably be a tautological, somewhat barren exercise, given the specific, historical origins of the liberal conception of tolerance. Moreover, through a comparison of the political ideas of two important Islamic thinkers of the twentieth century, Abul Aʻla Maududi (1903–1979), an influential Islamist thinker, and Javed Ahmed Ghamidi (1951–), a prominent contemporary public intellectual, the chapter argues for the value of thinking explicitly about the relationship between the state as an institution, and the political role of difference, rather than of revealing attitudes toward minorities or thinking of tolerance as a virtue.

scholarly journals EL ROL POLÍTICO DE ESTADOS UNIDOS EN EL DEFAULT DE ARGENTINA

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Miranda
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Difficult Part

In December of 2001, due to the financial crisis, Argentina had to suspend external payments. The country started a frantic process of abandonment of default thereafter. Research about the causes, processes, and mechanisms of the crisis has been focused on economic issues. The present work instead considers international politics. The aim of the paper is to analyze the role of the United Sates in the restructuring of Argentina’s debt. We consider the reasons, conditions, and actions developed by the hegemonic power in the relationship between Argentina and its creditors. We specially emphasize the political role played by the US government, a position that the US administration had no intention to assume neither before the debacle nor after the crisis started. We conclude that, despite the fact that Argentina has overcome the most difficult part of its default, the episode made evident, once more, the strong Argentine dependence towards the United States.

scholarly journals The 7-th degree of kinship in marriages within Rurikids in the XII century

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-101
Author(s):  
Sergey Navilievich Abukov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Old Russian ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Relationship

The question of the political situation in Rus in the XII century can not be considered in isolation from the relationship between the Rurikids. The marriages within dynasty of Old Russian princes, which played a very important role in the political relations of that period, were a part of political relations. However, there were religious prohibitions, which limited the possibility of such matrimonial alliances. Historians discuss about permissible in such cases, the degree of kinship in marriages. This article focuses on the role of the 7th-degree relatives in the dynastic marriages of Rurikids in the XII century. The author studied famous examples of conjugal unions between different lines of descendants of Yaroslav the Wise, and came to the deduction that such a degree of relationship was initially recognized as valid for the conclusion of such unions of ancient princes. At the beginning of the century, this tradition was connected with family of Vladimir Monomakh. Later it continued among the descendants as Monomakh and Oleg of Chernigov. During the second half of XII century within dynasty there were marriages of the 6th degree of kinship, but this practice was rather an exception. 7th degree of kinship remained closest to Rurikids in the future.

scholarly journals Det samiske sivilsamfunnet i Sametinget og i samepolitikken1

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Per Selle ◽  
Kristin Strømsnes
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Advocacy Role ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and democracy.

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