The Thiers Government and the Outbreak of Civil War in France, February–April 1871

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-831
Author(s):  
Robert Tombs

In the numerous works devoted to the French civil war of 1871, nothing has so much been taken for granted as the motives of the government during the six weeks that separated its taking office on 19 February and the outbreak of fighting on 2 April. Thiers and his colleagues are part of the myth of the Commune, the scribes and pharisees of the revolutionary passion play. They fill the roles well: there are few figures so unprepossessing in the history of nineteenth-century France.

1977 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
George D. Sussman

The history of the professions in the West since the French Revolution is a success story, a triumph, but not always an easy one. From the beginning of the nineteenth century in continental Europe the professions had a great attraction as careers presumably open to talent, but the demand for professional services developed more slowly than interest in professional careers and more slowly than the schools that supplied the market. Lenore O'Boyle has drawn attention to this discrepancy and the revolutionary potential of the frustrated careerists produced by it.


2020 ◽  
pp. 162-168
Author(s):  
Kevin Duong

This conclusion reviews the importance of studying redemptive violence in nineteenth century France in light of the political history of the twentieth century. It argues that, despite the increased intensity of violence in the twentieth century, a study of redemptive violence in the nineteenth century is still important for us today. That is because it emphasizes that all democratic revolutions are social revolutions. All democratic revolutions pose the problem of reconstructing democratic social bonds. Redemptive violence’s history underscores that fraternité was always as important as liberty and equality in the French tradition. Critics of fraternité today ignore the importance of democratic solidarity at their peril.


1933 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-151
Author(s):  
Robert G. McCutchan

The first dozen years of the nineteenth century were momentous ones in the history of our country. Thomas Jefferson was elected President in 1800, and his inaugural in March of the next year marked the republicanization of the government. John Adams in 1801 signed the treaty with France that prevented another European war and led to the purchase of the Louisiana Territory in 1803. Late in the same year Meriwether Lewis went into camp with his subordinates at St. Louis preparatory to starting westward the following spring on the famous Lewis and Clark expedition. Events leading to the War of 1812 followed and the conflict settled disputed points that allowed this country to feel comparatively safe from European interference.


1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
G. de Bertier de Sauvigny

The political history of France, as usually recorded, appears to be a conflict of parties, ideologies and ideologists: liberals against conservatives, royalists against republicans, and radicals against politicians of moderate tendencies. The Marxian conception of history has fortunately contributed to directing scientific research toward economic factors which might explain the attitude taken by this or that social group in certain circumstances, or might account for the progress of some parties in a specific region. Yet, research in that direction does not appear to have achieved any sensational discovery: to reduce all political history to a struggle between the “haves” and the “have-nots” is oversimplification and does not account for the disconcerting complexity of political strife in nineteenth century France.


1983 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Shai Weissbach

The late nineteenth century was a critical epoch in the history of French industry. During this period, many French industrialists adopted, for the first time, entrepreneurial attitudes towards business. At the same time, however, traditional skilled trades continued to play an important role in the national economy. In this article, Professor Weissbach explores the attitudes and practices of nineteenth-century entrepreneurs in the French luxury trade. By focusing specifically on the Patronage industriel des enfants de l'ébénisterie—an organization established to assist, educate, and moralize children apprentices in the French furniture industry—Weissbach reveals that traditional and entrepreneurial attitudes and practices coexisted throughout the nineteenth century.


1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.


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