scholarly journals EVACUATION, HYGIENE, AND SOCIAL POLICY: THE OUR TOWNS REPORT OF 1943

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 781-807 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN WELSHMAN

There has recently been much debate about social policy in Britain during the Second World War. This article takes up Jose Harris's suggestion that historians should look not at large-scale forces, but at ‘those minuscule roots of idiosyncratic private culture’. As a way into the complex amalgam that comprised ideas on social policy in the 1940s, we look in particular at the report on the evacuation of schoolchildren entitled Our towns: a close up, published by the Women's Group on Public Welfare in March 1943. Of course it is undeniable that one report is unrepresentative of all the many surveys that were produced on the evacuation experience. However, the initial wave of evacuation in September 1939 was the most significant, and the Our towns survey, along with a famous leader article in The Economist, has already received some selective attention from historians. Here we subject the survey to a more intensive examination, looking at the backgrounds of its authors, its content, and its reception by various professional groups. The article argues that it was the apparently contradictory nature of the report that explains its powerful appeal – it echoed interwar debates about behaviour and citizenship, but also reflected the ideas that would shape the welfare state in the post-war years.

Author(s):  
Stephanie L. Derrick

Lewis had many reasons for writing broadly accessible works, which trace back to his childhood in Belfast. His was a Romantic philosophy of literature, with deeply held convictions about authors, audiences, and art. But it was also a reactionary stance to the intellectual culture of his day: he resented the elitism and faddishness of high modernism and its ‘difficult’ literature. During the Second World War he assented to the many requests made of him to address the ‘Everyman’ of Britain. His work as a ‘translator’, converting Christian dogma into truths that everyday people could understand, was very much in keeping with what other Christians were attempting at the time. Having achieved fame with his BBC broadcasts and The Screwtape Letters, Lewis turned his thoughts to what he might achieve for the next generation. The Chronicles of Narnia were in part an answer to cultural changes in post-war Britain.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-180
Author(s):  
Kire Sharlamanov

The welfare state is a relatively new social phenomenon. Its rudimentary forms appear at the beginning of the 20th century, and it was especially developed immediately after the Second World War. It was created in order to reduce acute social conflicts in societies around the world and to give citizens the minimum conditions for subsistence. From its founding, to this day, the welfare state is at the center of the attention of the professional and general public. This article attempts to define and categorize a state of well-being, but also to consider modern trends that reflect it. Particular attention will be paid to reducing the welfare state and the reasons why it occurs. From the many factors that are often considered in the context of the decline of the welfare state, here we will primarily analyze the demographic, economic and political factors.


2020 ◽  
pp. 45-78
Author(s):  
Paul Thompson ◽  
Ken Plummer ◽  
Neli Demireva

This chapter captures something of the changing social, economic and political contexts in which our pioneers researched. This is a generation that published most of their work between the 1950s and 1980s; but often lived during the 1930s onwards. Our earliest pioneer was the anthropologist Raymond Firth, and he is a prime example of working under colonial conditions. The chapter then moves on to the time of the Second World War, the post-war reconstruction, and the creation of the welfare state. Here Peter Townsend serves as a key exemplar. There is a discussion of the spirit of 1968, the emerging feminist revolution (e.g., Ann Oakley) and the growth of cultural studies (e.g., Stuart Hall), migration and Thatcherism. The chapter ends with more recent times: a discussion of how much of this work can feed into contemporary debates of transnationalism and intersectionality.


1987 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Jefferys

This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.


Author(s):  
A. V. Torkunov

Abstract: 70th anniversary of our victory in the Great Patriotic War and large-scale national and international events marking the end of the Second World War caused an unprecedented wave of interest in the history of the war and the problems of post-war world order. There are new estimates of the war differing from previous interpretations of events, many of which, apparently, are connected with the political situation. In this regard, I would like to focus on two important issues that seem to me to be underestimated nowadays - institutional component of the postwar world, and the specifics of the Asia-Pacific order at the end of the war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


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