Political and Legal Organizations: Far Eastern Commission

1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-157

In the period under review the Far Eastern Commission approved policy decisions relating to: 1) interim import-export policies for Japan, together with the controls necessary for enforcement; 2) the reduction of Japanese industrial war potential; 3) the supply of food for civilian consumption in Japan. It also approved a proposal that fines collected by the military occupation courts should be set aside as a special fund to be used to defray the costs of Allied occupation.

2020 ◽  
pp. 93-124
Author(s):  
Alex Dowdall

Chapter 3 uncovers the dynamics of the military occupation regimes put in place on both sides of the lines during the First World War, and demonstrates how they impacted civilian life in the front-line towns. It provides the first comparative analysis of military occupation on both sides of the Western Front, and argues that although some of the methods employed differed from one side of the lines to the other, the main objectives were fundamentally the same. In all cases civilian freedoms were curtailed on the basis of military necessity. It describes the German and Allied occupation regimes side by side, before moving on to a discussion of the face-to-face encounters and relationships that developed between individual civilians and soldiers. It demonstrates that three types of encounter between civilians and soldiers had particularly strong impacts on the social dynamics of urban communities on both sides of the Western Front. They arose from military indiscipline, platonic relationships, and sexual encounters. The chapter argues that although the German occupation regime was notably harsher than that on the Allied side, and forced civilians to navigate complex issues of resistance and collaboration, in both cases urban life near the front was profoundly shaped by the military presence.


Author(s):  
Ilan Zvi Baron

Questions arose about what it meant to support a country whose political future the author has no say in as a Diaspora Jew. The questions became all the more pronounced the more I learned about Israel’s history. Many Jews feel the same way, and often are uncomfortable with what such an obligation can mean, in no small part because of concerns over being identified with Israel because of one’s Jewish heritage or because of the overwhelming significance that Israel has come to have for Jewish identity. Israel’s significance is matched by how much is published about Israel. Increasingly, this literature is not only about trying to explain Israel’s wars, the military occupation or other parts of its history, but about the relationship between Diaspora1 Jewry and Israel.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 494-515
Author(s):  
Reut Harari

AbstractDuring the War in China (1937–1945), the Japanese military combined warfare with the maintenance of a military occupation. To sustain its tentative grasp over the occupied territories, the Japanese military vied to cultivate trust among the local population. This was a challenging task in the midst of a violent war which as many historical works described was accompanied by brutal war crimes. A less explored aspect of the occupation was medical care. This article unfolds this history by analysing medical encounters between Japanese military medics and military affiliated agents, and members of the local population in the rural Chinese countryside. Testimonies reveal that these encounters – some spontaneous and others deliberate – were small moments of humanity and benevolence within a violent environment. Concomitantly, they demonstrate the overarching tension in this unequal encounter and the use of medicine as a pacifying tool that also served as means to build and maintain the occupation through the transference of medical trust towards the military at large. Thus, this article presents a different aspect of the role of trust and distrust in medical care, as well as expanding the analysis of medicine as a ‘tool of empire’ to the context of military occupation.


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-182 ◽  

During the period from July 10, 1947 to December 23, 1948, thirteen policy decisions were adopted by the Far Eastern Commission. These fell primarily into three categories–disarmament, democratization, and the determination of a self-sustaining economy for Japan. In the first category the Commission adopted a policy decision on February 12, 1948, entitled “Prohibition of Military Activity in Japan and Disposition of Japanese Military Equipment”. Under the terms of this decision a ministry of war was forbidden, and possession by Japanese of arms, ammunition and implements of war and the development, manufacture or importation of these articles was prohibited


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J Fraser ◽  
Andrew J MacGregor ◽  
Camille P Ryans ◽  
Mark A Dreyer ◽  
Michael D Gibboney ◽  
...  

Introduction: Lateral ankle sprains (LAS) are ubiquitous among tactical athletes and a substantial burden in the military. With the changes in operational demand and the beginning of integration of women into previously closed occupations, an updated assessment of the burden of ankle sprains in the military is warranted. Methods: A population-based epidemiological retrospective cohort study of all service members in the US Armed Forces was performed assessing risk of sex and military occupation on the outcome of LAS incidence. The Defense Medical Epidemiology Database was queried for the number of individuals with ICD-9 diagnosis codes 845.00 (sprain of ankle, unspecified) and 845.02 (calcaneofibular ligament sprain) on their initial encounter from 2006 to 2015. Relative risk (RR) and chi-square statistics were calculated in the assessment of sex and occupational category. Results: A total of 272,970 enlisted males (27.9 per 1000 person-years), 56,732 enlisted females (34.5 per 1000 person-years), 24,534 male officers (12.6 per 1000 person-years), and 6020 female officers (16.4 per 1000 person-years) incurred LAS. Enlisted females in all occupational groups were at significantly higher risk for LAS than their male counterparts (RR 1.09-1.68; p < 0.01), except for Engineers (p = 0.15). Female officers had consistently higher risk for LAS in all occupational groups (RR 1.10-1.42; p < 0.01) compared with male officers, except Ground/Naval Gunfire (p =0.23). Contrasted with Infantry, enlisted members in the Special Operations Forces, Mechanized/Armor, Aviation, Maintenance, and Maritime/Naval Specialties were at lower risk (RR, 0.38-0.93; p < 0.01), Artillery, Engineers, and Logistics Specialties were at higher risk (RR 1.04-1.18; p < 0.01), and Administration, Intelligence, and Communications were no different (p = 0.69). Compared with Ground/Naval Gunfire officers, Aviation officers were at significantly lower risk (RR, 0.75; p < 0.01), and Engineers, Maintenance, Administration, Operations/Intelligence, and Logistics officers were at higher risk (RR, 1.08-1.20; p < 0.01). Conclusion: Sex and military occupation were salient factors for LAS risk. Colocation of interdisciplinary neuromusculoskeletal specialists to provide targeted preventive interventions should be considered in practice and policy.


Author(s):  
Maria Sergeyevna Khvan

The paper focuses on the analysis of Brazilian for-eign policy under Jair Bolsonaro since his inaugura-tion as president in January 2019 up to the present moment. This study examines Jair Bolsonaro’s per-sonality and the influence of Brazilian president’s certain character traits on foreign policy decisions. The author concludes that Jair Bolsonaro has won presidential election in autumn 2018 largely due to disenchantment of Brazilians with socially oriented public policy. Due to the fact that Jair Bolsonaro adheres to the right-wing radical views, thinks of himself as anti-globalist and advocates the devel-opment of bilateral relations at the expense of multi-lateral ones, even before he came to power re-searchers and political experts had predicted Brazil’s rapprochement with the USA, Italy and Israel, a cold snap in bilateral relations with China, a coming rup-ture in relations with Cuba and Venezuela and Bra-zil’s withdrawal from the UN, the OAS, Mercosur, UNASUR and the BRICS. Reality, however, turned out to be much more challenging and the forecasts of political experts came true only partially. Since from the very beginning J. Bolsonaro was supported by such various groups as the military, evangelicals, representatives of agribusiness, economists, they often suggested to him absolutely contradictory foreign policy decisions. As a result, almost any step in the international arena was replaced by a retreat: criticism of China's expansion was followed by the signing of economic agreements with him, after the announcement of the intention to move the embas-sy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, followed by visits to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Although J. Bolsonaro criticized multilateral diplomacy, he achieved the signing of agreements between Mer-cosur and the EU, Mercosur and EFTA. Nevertheless, the President of Brazil has invariably adhered to the course of automatic alignment with the United States and developed relations mainly with regimes close to him in ideology. It is difficult to judge how correct this strategy was, but in the future the Brazil-ian government must first of all be guided by the interests of the country, remember the need for its autonomy and economic prosperity.


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