scholarly journals The Labour Party and Education for Socialism

1969 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Barker
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Educational Reform ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Sunday Schools ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Better Than

No socialist since Robert Owen has had any excuse for being unaware of the relationship between educational reform and social and political change, and a perception of this relationship was a feature of nineteenth century socialism and liberalism. The attention which the educational principles and policies of socialist, labour, and radical movements in Europe have recently received has thus been well deserved. The socialists have however come off better than those organisations which have been designated as merely “labour”, and two valuable contributions to the literature dealing with Great Britain – Professor Simon's Education and the Labour Movement, 1870–1920, and Dr Reid's article on the Socialist Sunday Schools – are concerned with the programmes and beliefs of left wing socialist bodies, rather than with those of the ideologically more diffuse but politically more important Labour Party. Both these contributions may perhaps profitably be placed in a new perspective by an examination of the attitudes adopted within the Labour Party and within its industrial half-brother the Trades Union Congress, to the problems raised by the content and character, as opposed to the structure and organisation, of the education available to the working class.

“The Foreign Element”: Newcomers and the Rhetoric of Race, Nation, and Empire in “Oxbridge” Undergraduate Culture, 1850–1920

1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Deslandes
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
University Students ◽  
Individual Student ◽  
Student Life ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Popular Interest ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Literature And Film ◽  
Apparent Level

The Oxford and Cambridge man has long inspired fascination both in Great Britain and abroad. Many have, in fact, acquired an illusory understanding of these enigmatic university students through various caricatures and representations created in literature and film. Yet, despite an apparent level of popular interest, relatively few attempts have been made to understand the culture of male undergraduates at Oxford and Cambridge in a systematic and scholarly way. With the exception of Sheldon Rothblatt's work on student life in the early nineteenth century, J. A. Mangan's skillful exploration of the cult of athleticism's impact on the ancient universities, and some select studies of individual student societies and organizations, we know very little about the ways in which undergraduates lived their lives, saw their worlds, and viewed those who were traditionally excluded from these milieus. We know even less perhaps, despite the existence of Richard Symonds's examination of the relationship between Oxford and empire, about the ways “Oxbridge” undergraduates saw themselves as Britons and leaders of an imperial and “superior” English race. The conflation of English and British is intentional here. Applying English attributes to Britons did not generally present many problems for university men, even those from Scottish, Welsh, and Anglo-Irish backgrounds. “Britishness” and “Englishness” were often applied interchangeably by Oxford and Cambridge undergraduates although, as others have observed, uses of the term “English” tended most often to refer to the admired attributes or “personal” and “communal” traits of Britons, particularly those among the elite.

Interzone History

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Halle
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
Rising Powers ◽  
German Empire ◽  
Moving Image ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter looks at the latter part of the nineteenth century when film makes its appearance, and at which point old multiethnic empires such as the Austro-Hungarian, the Russian, or the Ottoman competed with the colonial powers of France and Great Britain, and new rising powers like the German Empire, for world domination. The moving image that entered into the medial apparatus intimately connected to questions of nationalism and imperialism. The chapter focuses on the historical development of cinema from the early silent to early sound eras. It seeks to revise that history by considering the relationship of the cinematic apparatus to the imperial and national social configuration, while underscoring the production of interzones in those relationships.

scholarly journals Social Mobility and Class Formation: The Worklife Social Mobility of Men in a New Zealand Suburb, 1902–1928

1999 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Olssen ◽  
Hamish James
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Political History ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Class Formation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
The Relationship

This paper explores the relationship between social mobility and class formation in a working-class industrial suburb. By establishing the degree of class closure in three periods we can identify the relationship between the country's political history, dominated by the rise of a left-wing Labour Party, and the changing levels of closure. Labour established itself during a period of low mobility then stalled when mobility increased sharply in the 1920s. Comparison with the mobility rates for cities in other countries allows further analysis of the relationship between social structure and political behaviour. Our evidence indicates that voters were not unconscious of the shifting patterns of class rigidity.

The Posthumous Lives of Thomas Muir

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Pentland
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

This chapter examines the ways in which Thomas Muir was used by political activists, historians and writers in both Great Britain and Australia in the centuries following his death. It analyses Muir's posthumous lives as a case study of how, when and why revolutionary figures of the 1790s have become politically usable. It discusses three important contexts that help explain both revived interest in Muir and changed interpretations of his political significance: one was provided by two global conflicts, the First World War and the ‘age of revolutions’ between 1790 and 1848; the other was provided by the success of the Labour movement in the West of Scotland. The chapter shows how the transnational dimension of Muir's life has been at least partially recovered and his legacy shaped and deployed by an emerging Australian nationalism from the end of the nineteenth century.

Rethinking Mendelssohn

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Instrumental Music ◽  
Future Directions ◽  
Present Book ◽  
Source Studies ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Relationship

Rethinking Mendelssohn offers a new perspective on Felix Mendelssohn’s music and aesthetics, arguing for a fresh understanding of the composer, his music, and its central relationship to nineteenth-century culture. Building on the renaissance in Mendelssohn scholarship of the last two decades, the present book sets a new tone for research on Mendelssohn. It challenges the traditional modes of discourse about this composer in moving beyond rehabilitation and source studies to engage in rigorous criticism and analysis, seeking to rethink the issues that shaped Mendelssohn, his music, and its reception from his own day to the present. This volume includes contributions from younger, emerging scholars as well as from some of the most prominent figures outside specialist Mendelssohn circles in order to open up new ways of understanding the composer and set out future directions in Mendelssohn studies. Besides offering fresh accounts of some of his most familiar orchestral pieces, particular attention is given here to Mendelssohn’s contested views on the relationship between art and religion, the analysis of his instrumental music in the wake of recent controversies in Formenlehre, and the burgeoning interest in his previously neglected contribution to the German song tradition.

Rocking Against Racism

Red Strains ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Tranmer
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Punk Rock ◽  
Cultural Norms ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Music And Politics ◽  
American Capitalism

Rock Against Racism was one of the most dynamic and innovative British social movements of the 1970s, bringing together music fans and left-wing activists in the struggle against the far-right National Front. This surprising alliance was forged by members of the Trotskyist International Socialists/Socialist Workers Party who had a long-standing interest in popular culture and championed punk as a form of working-class revolt. This attitude contrasted sharply with that of the significantly larger Communist Party of Great Britain, which tended to view mass culture as a development of American capitalism. Seeking to adopt the dominant social and cultural norms of the labour movement, communists were unable to relate to the subversive irreverence of punk. Rock Against Racism disappeared in the very early 1980s but acted as a template for future attempts to link music and politics.

The Party Connection: Divergence and Convergence in the British Labour Movement

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 458-484
Author(s):  
Lewis Minkin
Keyword(s):  
Labour Party ◽  
Central Feature ◽  
Society Meeting ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Fabian Society

The consultations which led to the Social Contract of 1973 are understood to have been initiated as a result of a proposal by Jack Jones made to a Fabian Society meeting held at the 1971 Labour Party Conference. At that meeting Jones told the story of a man who having completed fifty years of marriage was asked if he had ever contemplated divorce. He replied, ‘Divorce—never. Murder—often’.In the past two decades the relationship between the unions and the labour party — the central feature of labour politics in Britain — has undergone some remarkable changes. It has passed through severe crisis: reinforcing tensions which built up in the 1960s became so great at the end of the decade that the alliance appeared ‘threatened as never before’. One scholar of labour movement politics suggested at the time that there might be a life-span to ‘Labour’ parties. To the Left of the Labour Party some revolutionary critics looked to a militant union break with ‘the immense contradiction’. To the Right of the Labour Party some social democratic critics looked to a realignment which would facilitate the emergence of a new radical centre party.

scholarly journals George Potter, the Junta, and the Bee-Hive

1964 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Coltham
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
The Other ◽  
Real Analysis ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

Most histories of the nineteenth-century labour movement give some account of George Potter's conflict with the men the Webbs called the Junta; and it is generally recognised that one main bone of contention was control of the Bee-Hive newspaper. But there has been little real analysis of this quarrel, and even less of the eventual reconciliation. It is true that some of the old generalisations are no longer accepted. Nowadays, most labour historians agree that the Webbs, writing under Applegarth's influence, dismissed Potter too contemptuously. There is also some recognition of the fact that Raymond Postgate's Builders' History, although more accurate on Potter's early position in the labour movement, gives a completely false impression of his later career and the changes that took place in the Bee-Hive. But through it all, Potter has remained a rather shadowy figure, and in published works the Bee-Hive's own history has been surprisingly neglected. Even a recent work in which the author avowedly sets out to correct the record on Potter – B. C. Roberts's The Trades Union Congress, 1868–1921 – is in many ways unsatisfactory. Roberts does make an attempt to analyse the conflict, and on the whole he sums up Potter's aims and achievements more accurately than either the Webbs or Postgate did. But in trying to give Potter due credit for his part in founding the TUC, Roberts has over-estimated his contribution, and minimised his weaknesses. Above all, he has paid too little attention to the Bee-Hive itself. As a result, the consequences of the way in which the paper was founded and conducted, and the relationship between Potter's other activities and the Bee-Hive's successive changes of ownership, editorship and policy, are either disregarded or mistakenly interpreted. Potter's career in the labour movement, and the development of the Bee-Hive, were completely interwoven, and neither can be fully assessed without the other.

The decline of revolutionary pragmatism and the splintering of British communism in the 1980s

2018 ◽  
pp. 138-152
Author(s):  
Jeremy Tranmer
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rapid Decline ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
British Labour

The 1980s are often remembered as a period of divisions and splits in the Labour Party. However, it was not the only part of the British labour movement to experience this type of problem since the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was also concerned. Like the Labour Party, it was divided over how to react to the political successes of the Conservatives and the rapid decline of traditional industries. But its internal difficulties also resulted from a number of factors which were specific to the CPGB itself. This chapter contends that a greater understanding of these factors can be achieved by developing a modified version of Nina Fishman’s concept of ‘revolutionary pragmatism’ and applying it to British Communism in the 1980s. It will become apparent that during this decade the very framework within which most Communists acted was challenged and undermined but not successfully replaced.

Icon of fashion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felicity Chaplin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Luxury Goods ◽  
Mise En Scene ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Film Genres ◽  
Better Than ◽  
The Way

Fashion is ubiquitous in the depiction of la Parisienne and demonstrates perhaps better than any other motif the variations within the type. These variations are reflected in the eclectic array of film genres in which a fashionable Parisienne appears. The association of la Parisienne with fashion can be traced back to the nineteenth century, when the image of the chic Parisienne was first exported, both throughout France and abroad, as an ambassador for French luxury goods and style. The relationship between la Parisienne and fashion is perpetuated in cinema primarily through the way the type is costumed, but also includes extra-cinematic considerations such as the actress/couturier relationship and the way a certain look, designed or self-styled, was achieved and marketed. Costume forms an integral part of the mise en scène in Parisienne films and has three primary functions: it denotes the elegance of the Parisienne, aids in periodising a film, and provides meaning beyond denotation by referencing a pre-existing iconography. The films examined in this chapter are: Jules Dassin’s Reunion in France, Stanley Donen’s Funny Face(1956), Vincente Minnelli’s Gigi, (1958), Roman Polanski’s Frantic (1988), François Ozon’s 8 femmes (2001) and Jean-Luc Godard’s A bout de souffle(1960).

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