scholarly journals Die italienischen Gewerkschaften - eine Bestandsaufnahme von den 70er Jahren bis heute

1995 ◽  
Vol 25 (98) ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Vittorio Rieser

After the deconstruction of the Italian trade unions which took place in the eighties due to a political anti-trade-unions offensive by the state and enterprises, a careful renaissance of trade union politics has started since the early nineties. This revival is owing to the new production models, on the one hand, which are rediscovering the role of human labour and are therefore opting for a stronger cooperation; on the other hand it is an expression of the opposition against a repetition of the state's austerity policy which fosters the unity of the trade unions.

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques P. Leider

What these four quite different books broadly share is a focus on the role of the state in Myanmar society. Current scholarship describes the authoritarian state in Myanmar, which has been controlled by the army since 1962, as either dominantly present or neglectfully absent. Censorship and the repression of autonomous spaces in society, on the one hand, and the failure of the state to enforce efficient health and environmental policies, on the other, are keywords in these works that illustrate the double-faced appearance of the state's existence and role in society.


2006 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-436
Author(s):  
PIET KONINGS

In the literature on African trade unions during decolonization and in the immediate post-independence period, two schools of thought can be distinguished: one is pessimistic about the unions' economic and political roles, and the other is optimistic. This study attempts to assess the role of autonomous teachers' trade unions in Anglophone Cameroon during the period 1959–72. The emergence, development and dissolution of these unions appears to have closely followed the region's political and educational reforms. It is argued that two main issues formed a constant source of conflict between the government and these unions, namely the preservation of trade union autonomy, and union demands for a substantial improvement in members' conditions of service.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-430
Author(s):  
Francesco Bagnardi ◽  
Valentina Petrović

In this article we examine the episode of labour discontent that occurred at the Fiat-Chrysler assembly plant in Kragujevac, Serbia, in the summer of 2017. The article traces the process through which the two main trade unions organised and channelled labour unrest at the plant level. Drawing on Offe and Wiesenthal’s conceptualisation of workers’ collective action dilemma, the case highlights the trade-off between on the one hand the need for institutional legitimation and on the other hand responsiveness to workers’ demands. We attempt to show that unions still have space in which to represent workers’ interests effectively when disputes emerge, regardless of unfavourable structural constraints and legacies. The article shows that not even traditionally non-conflictual and legacy unions can be fully sheltered from democratic pressures from workers and competitor organisations. Therefore, the ability to mediate between democratic and bureaucratic logics of action and legitimation remains crucial for any union and determines unions’ ability to represent effectively the interests of labour. Dans cet article, les auteurs examinent l’épisode de mécontentement des travailleurs qui s’est produit à l’usine d’assemblage Fiat-Chrysler à Kragujevac, en Serbie, à l’été 2017. L’article retrace le processus par lequel les deux principaux syndicats ont organisé et canalisé les conflits de travail au niveau de l’usine. En se fondant sur la conceptualisation développée par Offe et Wiesenthal du choix de l’action collective des travailleurs, ce cas met en évidence le compromis entre, d’une part, le besoin de légitimation institutionnelle et, d’autre part, la capacité à répondre aux demandes des travailleurs. Les auteurs tentent de montrer que les syndicats disposent encore de l’espace nécessaire pour représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs lorsque des conflits surgissent, indépendamment des contraintes structurelles et de l’héritage défavorables qui leur ont été laissés. Cet article montre que même les syndicats traditionnellement non conflictuels et ceux issus du passé ne peuvent pas être totalement à l’abri des pressions démocratiques des travailleurs et des organisations concurrentes. Par conséquent, la capacité de médiation entre les logiques démocratiques et bureaucratiques de l’action et de la légitimation demeure primordiale pour tout syndicat et détermine la capacité des syndicats à représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs. Im vorliegenden Artikel untersuchen wir die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Belegschaft und der Unternehmensleitung im Fiat-Chrysler-Montagewerk in Kragujevac, Serbien im Sommer 2017. Der Artikel zeichnet nach, wie die beiden großen betrieblich vertretenen Gewerkschaften die Unzufriedenheit der Arbeitnehmer auf der Werksebene kanalisiert und organisiert haben. Unter Bezugnahme auf Offes und Wiesenthals Konzeptualisierung des Dilemmas des kollektiven Handelns von Arbeitnehmern ist dieser Fall symptomatisch für den Zielkonflikt zwischen der Notwendigkeit institutioneller Legitimation einerseits und dem Reaktionsvermögen auf Forderungen von Arbeitnehmern andererseits. Wir versuchen nachzuweisen, dass Gewerkschaften nach wie vor Handlungsspielräume haben, um in Konfliktfällen Arbeitnehmerinteressen ungeachtet struktureller Einschränkungen und Altlasten effektiv zu vertreten. Der Artikel zeigt, dass nicht einmal traditionell konsensorientierte Gewerkschaften und Rechtsnachfolger der früheren sozialistischen Gewerkschaften umfassend vor demokratisch legitimiertem Druck von Arbeitnehmern und Mitbewerberorganisationen geschützt werden können. Die Fähigkeit, zwischen demokratischer und bürokratischer Handlungslogik und Legitimation vermitteln zu können, ist deshalb für alle Gewerkschaften von entscheidender Bedeutung und bestimmt ihre Fähigkeit, die Interessen von Arbeitnehmern wirksam zu vertreten.


Author(s):  
Ilario Alvino

- The Author reviews the new French Law n. 2008-789, which introduces new considerable elements concerning the representativity of trade unions, the conditions of a regular collective bargaining, the establishment of specific structures of workers' representatives at the work place. On the one hand, the Author takes into consideration the differences between the Italian legal system and the French one, on the other hand, the reform process that brought into the introduction of new rules.Key words: France; Trade Union; Representativity; Collective bargaining; Freedom of association; Social dialogue.Parole chiave: Francia; sindacato; rappresentativitŕ; contratto collettivo; libertŕ sindacale; dialogo sociale.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Maier ◽  
Simon Coleman

AbstractWe explore the tensions evident among Nigerian Pentecostals in London between social and ideological insularity on the one hand, and a more outward-oriented, expansive orientation on the other. Analysis of these stances is complemented by the exploration of believers' actions within a material but also metaphorical arena that we term “London-Lagos.” Such themes are developed specifically through a focus on believers' relations with Nigerian and British state systems in relation to child-rearing—an activity that renders parents sometimes dangerously visible to apparatuses of the state but also raises key dilemmas concerning the proper and moral location of socialisation into Christian values. We show how such dilemmas are embodied in a play, written by a Nigerian Pentecostalist, termed “The Vine-Keepers.”


2011 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 148-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Rossi

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of a linguistic form (lexical reduplication) can communicate affective contents. Lexical reduplication, understood as the intentional repetition of a word, is defined as a pattern XX used to convey, on the one hand, a content which differs from the “basic” meaning of X by involving, for instance, intensification, narrowing, or expansion, and, on the other hand, an affective content that results from the evaluation of the state of affairs at hand. To test reduplication as well as the derivation of affective contents linked to its use, I have relied on a recognition task: after hearing a short story, participants were asked if the items presented on the screen occurred in the story or not. The results obtained suggest that the formal pattern of reduplication plays the role of a trigger.


2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-71
Author(s):  
Klaus Dörre ◽  
Birgit Beese ◽  
Bernd Röttger

The article discusses industrial political activities conducted in regional networks by German trade unions. Referring to the example of Dortmund it is shown that the industrial political strategies of local trade union sections are currently at a watershed. On the one hand, trade unions prove capable of socially compensating for the consequences of a radical structural change. On the other hand, however, they have great difficulties in gaining a foothold in the newly emerging economic sectors. ‘Action research’ will help the trade unions to develop adequate strategies for the new economic sectors.


2021 ◽  

This volume researches concepts of direct, participatory and deliberative democracy, their structures and procedures, and the role of actors. On the one hand, the volume focuses on questions of institutionalisation and the context sensitivity of participation-centred procedures in European federal and regional states. On the other hand, the volume addresses the question of the role that actors at the supranational level play or can play in the renewal of democratic processes. The state of research and its findings in theoretical and empirical democracy research provide the overarching conceptual framework for the volume. With contributions by Elisabeth Alber, Eva Maria Belser, Peter Bussjäger, Carmen Descamps, Annegret Eppler, Anna Gamper, Andreas Kiefer, Karl Kössler, Sabine Kropp, Olaf Leiße, Melanie Plangger, Julian Plottka, Wolf J. Schünemann, Christoph Schramek, Teija Tiilikainen, Jens Woelk and Carolin Zwilling.


Artifex Novus ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 4-19
Author(s):  
Jerzy Kochanowski

Abstrakt: W konkluzji partyjnej komisji wysłanej w 1972 r. do Zakopanego stwierdzano, że „państwo w Zakopanem zostało postawione w sytuacji gorszej niż w kapitalizmie, bowiem zostało zepchnięte na pozycje nawet nie nocnego stróża, ale bezpłatnego dróżnika i zamiatacza ulic”. Na tę swoistą „autonomię Podhala miały wpływ uwarunkowania historyczne, społeczne, kulturowe i geograficzne, typowe dla społeczeństw (wysoko)górskich na całym świecie. Z drugiej strony ważnym aktorem było pod Tatrami również państwo, które od początku lat 50. do końca lat 80. XX w. próbowało objąć ścisłym nadzorem turystykę i sport, sektory decydujące o wizerunku i znaczeniu Zakopanego i regionu tatrzańskiego. Polityka taka napotykała jednak na szczeblu regionalnym na bardzo silne ograniczenia i sprzeciwy. Z jednej strony przyczyną tego stanu rzeczy były specyficzne sieci społeczne łączące sektor prywatny ze strukturami samorządowymi, państwowymi i partyjnymi, a nawet z milicją i wymiarem sprawiedliwości. Z drugiej zaś tylko dzięki przymknięciu oczu na często sprzeczną z obowiązującym prawem aktywność gospodarczą aktorów społecznych, zarówno górali, jak i przyjezdnych, było możliwe – przy niewydolności organizacyjnej państwa – zaspokajanie rosnących błyskawicznie po 1956 r. potrzeb modernizującego się społeczeństwa na usługi rekreacyjne. Dopiero w pierwszej połowie lat 70. socjalistyczne państwo było w stanie, dzięki zwiększonemu finansowaniu, zapewnić w miarę racjonalny rozwój infrastruktury turystycznej (np. Hotel Kasprowy). Jednak już od drugiej połowy lat 70. strukturalny kryzys systemu i w następnej dekadzie jego całkowita dezintegracja doprowadziły do sytuacji, w której instytucje państwowe musiały ustąpić pola aktorom społecznym. Summary: The conclusion of the state commission addressed in 1972 to Zakopane was: “in Zakopane, the state is in a position worse than in capitalism. It has been reduced to the role of not even a night-watchman, but of an unpaid street-sweeper”. The peculiar “autonomy” of Podhale-Region was affected by historical, social, cultural and geographical conditions that are usually mentioned, on the other hand the state was also an important actor and nowise ambiguous. The tendency to take a strict supervision of sectors decisive for the image and the importance of Zakopane and the Tatra region – tourism and sport, existed at the central level since the mid of ‘50s to the ‘80s, but at the regional level, the policy encountered very strong limitations. On the one hand, the reason for that was the emergence of specific social networks linking the private sector with the structures of local government, state and party, or even with the police and judicatory, on the other only thanks to them it was possible – under the organizational inefficiency of the state – to fulfill the modernizing society needs for leisure and related services, that were instantly growing after 1956. Only in the first half of 70s the socialist state was able to provide a relatively rational program, thanks to being an influential factor for modernization mostly thanks to still being in disposal of material resources. However, in the period of disintegration of the system, in the end of ‘70s and in the ‘80s, state’s program was no longer a barrier and alternative for the social actors.


Author(s):  
Jussi Lassila

The chapter discusses patriotism’s role and future prospects in Russia in relation to its principal target, Russia’s youth. Beneath the overall conformism with the Kremlin’s patriotic policies, youth’s relatively marginal engagement with any fixed patriotic identity is to be found among a variety of patriotic activists who prefer a distinct patriotic position to the state and the rest of society. In generational terms, Russia is witnessing a deepening gap between the policymakers of patriotism and the youth. On the one hand, the state repeatedly attempts to strengthen patriotism as an ideological tool in controlling societal and cultural processes, while, on the other hand, youth’s departing views from Soviet-like modes of patriotic education ignite demands to increase the role of patriotism further. Over the course of the next 10–15 years, it is very likely that an change in the balance between Soviet-era and post-Soviet cohorts of policymakers and conductors of patriotic policies will have a significant impact on the role and meaning of patriotism in Russian society.


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