Bread or Solidarity?: Argentine Social Policies, 1983–1990

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georges Midré

This article describes the introduction of two social policy programmes aiming to provide adequate nourishment to poor families in Argentina between 1983 and 1990. They were called PAN (Programa Alimentario Nacional), and the Bono Nacional Solidario de Emergencia.A study of the introduction of social policy measures during these years can help us to understand parts of the value-structure upon which Argentine society is built. Such a study also highlights some of the main social functions that welfare programmes perform in structuring the relationship between the political system and society. Finally, the management of the programmes and the political debate surrounding them illustrate some key features of the Argentine political system and its ability to formulate a coherent social policy project.The debates concerning the organisation of social welfare schemes, in 1983 as well as in 1989, must be seen in relation to the general structure of the social welfare system in the country. Both by European and Latin American standards, Argentina's first ‘labour laws’ were passed at an early stage.2 However, Argentina never became a ‘Welfare State’ in the sense that all of the population was included. One of the reasons for this is connected with the impotence of the State. Several analysts have underlined the particular weakness of many Latin American States, a consequence of a pronounced corporative logic that dominates the implementation of public policies.3 In fact, the social impact of welfare policies reflects the overall power structure in society in a more clear-cut way than we see in most European Welfare States.4

1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gøsta Esping-Andersen

There has developed an abundant literature on the social and political determinants of social policies, but few have addressed the question of how state policies, once implemented, affect the system of stratification in civil society. This article examines the political consequences of social policy in Denmark and Sweden, countries in which a social democratic labor movement has predominated for decades. Superficially, these two highly developed welfare states appear very similar. Yet, the political and social contexts in which their social policies have evolved differ substantially. I shall demonstrate the argument that the traditional welfare state approach may be conducive to a new and powerful political conflict, which directly questions the legitimacy of the welfare state itself, unless government is successful in subordinating private capitalist growth to effective public regulation. In Denmark, where social democratic governments have failed to match welfare state growth with more control of private capital, social policy has tended to undermine the political unity of the working class. Consequently, the Social Democratic Party has been weakened. Social welfare programs, in effect, have helped create new forms of stratification within the working class. In Sweden, social democratic governments have been quite successful in shifting a decisive degree of power over the private market to the state. This has helped avert a crisis of the welfare state, and has also been an important condition for continued social democratic hegemony and working-class unity. I conclude that social reform politics tend to be problematic from the point of view of the future power of social democratic movements.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Taylor-Gooby

As many commentators have pointed out, the pressures facing modern welfare states are formidable. One response by government is to place greater emphasis on a policy-making paradigm that rests on an individual rational actor account of agency. This finds its intellectual home in the leading tradition of neo-classical economics, its ideological home in a politics of active citizenry and equality of opportunity and its institutional home in the mechanisms by which the Treasury currently directs social policy.The resulting policies have strengths in delivering productivity improvements and responsiveness to consumer demand, but weaknesses in accommodating the value positions of an increasingly diverse society, in sustaining the social cohesion necessary to the continuance of state welfare and in confronting the structural basis of some social interests. These issues have traditionally been recognised in the sociology of values, the psychology of trust and the political science of power.One strength of academic social policy is that it is a field of study in which a number of disciplines are deployed. The ascendancy of one paradigm may obscure the contribution of others. It is hard for social policy academics to gain recognition when they speak a different language from that of policy making at the highest level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-109
Author(s):  
L. D’yakova

The article deals with problems of the modern Latin American democracy in the context of various research methods, factors of stability and proneness to conflict, as well as new challenges for democracy set by the developing modern society. The author analyzes the leading experts' opinions in the field – mainly Spanish and Latin American researchers involved in modern social and political problems. Much attention is given to: political development issues in the region; transformation of the political parties' and civil society's role in response to consolidation of Latin American democracies; the youth activity as a new political phenomena; the increase of social protests, and the phenomenon of exaggerated social expectations. The important role of the social policy in stabilization of the political situation in the region, as well as in a successful democratic consolidation process is noted. Almost all countries of the region used the period of economic prosperity and growth (2003–2013) to develop and implement a targeted social policy aimed at the social sphere development, employment growth, and the improvement of education and public health systems. But the majority of successful social projects were devoted mainly to solving the most daunting and morbid problem of the Latin American society – poverty, which has been significantly lowered. Thus, the state targeted social policy played a significant role in shaping a positive attitude towards democracy. However, even over a ten-year period of economic growth, a state was unable to solve all problems accumulated. These challenges have been left unattended. It poses a serious threat to political stability. It is noted that the assessment of the democratic development prospects in the leading countries is closely related to social pessimism, which has been spreading among different classes of the Latin American society in recent years, and is associated not only with the worsening economic situation, but also with the growing disappointment in possibilities of democracy itself. Ineffective public administration, bureaucratization of state agencies and corruption cause irritation and discontent among the population. At the same time, along with criticism and emphasis on the subject of “disappointment” in politics, the commanding view among researchers is that the liberal democracy must be defended despite all its drawbacks and weaknesses, as the challenges for democracy set by the modern developing society, however serious they may be, are merely the tests of its prospects and possibilities, and not the evidence of its inconsistency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
KÁTIA ALVES FUKUSHIMA

O governo Chávez (1999-2013) situou-se em um processo de rupturas com o sistema político vigente até 1998, constituindo-se em um novo bloco no poder, em que o presidente Chávez conseguiu se utilizar do aparelho do Estado para difundir sua ideologia e construir uma nova hegemonia no país. Durante 14 anos no poder, Chávez possuía significativa legitimidade perante a população. Esta, explicada por suas políticas sociais, as chamadas “Missões Bolivarianas”. Neste sentido, nosso intuito consiste em analisar o governo Chávez a partir dos avanços sociais, buscando mostrar se houve o fortalecimento da democracia – no que se refere à educação, saúde e emprego, à diminuição da pobreza e a melhor distribuição de renda. Para tanto, tal análise se fará a partir da base de dados do Latinobarómetro, CEPAL e PNUD.ABSTRACTThe Chávez government (1999-2013) was in a process of ruptures with the political system in force until 1998, constituting a new block in power, in which President Chavez was able to use the state apparatus to spread his ideology and build a new hegemony in the country. For 14 years in power, Chavez had significant legitimacy vis-à-vis the population. This, explained by its social policies, the so-called "Bolivarian Missions". In this sense, our intention is to analyze the Chávez government based on social advances, trying to show if there was a strengthening of democracy - in terms of education, health and employment, poverty reduction and better income distribution. To do so, this analysis will be done from the database of Latinobarómetro, ECLAC and UNDP.Palavras-chave: Governo Chávez; Avanços Sociais; Democracia.Keywords: Chávez Government; Social Advances; Democracy.Recebido em 22 de Janeiro de 2018.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuliano Bonoli ◽  
Marcello Natili ◽  
Philipp Trein

In multi-tiered states, subnational policymakers face a dilemma: on one hand, they must ensure the social legitimacy of their subnational unit by owning relevant policies including their potentially negative consequences; on the other, they have to manage their budget responsibly, which limits the scope of policy development. We study this dilemma in relation to social policies, by examining how the constituent units and municipalities in Germany, Italy, Spain and Switzerland deal with it, taking social assistance as an empirical example. Our analysis suggests that the combination of the federation’s history and a multinational political context affects the incentives and the choices made by the policymakers regarding ownership and disownership of policy competencies in the field of social assistance. By analysing mechanisms that are likely to play out in multi-tiered welfare states, our article contributes to both the social policy and the political science literatures.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Yu Guo ◽  
Alex Jingwei He ◽  
Fei Wang

Abstract How do subnational agents exercise policy discretion in the social welfare sphere? To what extent do they do so as a result of various bureaucratic and fiscal incentives? The literature has documented several explanatory frameworks in the context of China that predominantly focus on the realm of developmental policies. Owing to the salient characteristics of the social policy arena, local adaptation of centrally designed policies may operate on distinctive logics. This study synthesizes the recent scholarship on subnational social policymaking and explains the significant interregional disparities in China's de facto urban poverty line – the eligibility standard of the urban minimum livelihood guarantee scheme, or dibao. Five research hypotheses are formulated for empirical examination: fiscal power effect, population effect, fiscal dependency effect, province effect and neighbour effect. Quantitative analysis of provincial-level panel data largely endorses the hypotheses. The remarkable subnational variations in dibao standards are explained by a salient constellation of fiscal and political factors that are embedded within the country's complex intergovernmental relations and fiscal arrangements. Both a race-to-the-top and a race-to-the-bottom may be fostered by distinctive mechanisms. The unique role of provincial governments as intermediary agents within China's political apparatus is illuminated in the social policy arena.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angel Belzunegui-Eraso ◽  
David Duenas-Cid ◽  
Inma Pastor-Gosálbez

Purpose Social action implemented by the Church via its affiliated entities, foundations and associations may be viewed as a uniform activity. In reality, however, several organizational profiles exist that depend on the origin of these organizations (lay or religious), the scope of their activities (local or general) and their dependence on resources (whether from public administration or civil society). The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, the authors examine this diversity based on a 2015 study of every Catholic Church social organization with headquarters in Catalonia. For the study, the authors conducted a detailed analysis of these organizations in order to determine their nature, scope and structure. The methodology combined questionnaire, interviews and non-participant observation. Findings The social actions of these organizations lead to interesting debates, such as those on: charity/assistentialism vs social justice; professionalization vs voluntarism; and personal autonomy vs functional dependence resulting from the action. This study also highlights how important it is that Church organizations carry out social actions to generate social welfare in the welfare states of southern European countries. Originality/value It is the first time that a study of the social impact of the church and its organizational implications in Spain has been made.


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Inglot

This paper examines international influences of the Western welfare state on social policy ideas, institutions and reforms in the Soviet bloc during the Cold War. It identifies three types of Eastern reactions to or interactions with the West: “condemnation” of various “bourgeois” conceptions of social welfare; “competition” or increased attention to redistribution and social needs of the population stemming from the demonstrable successes of Western welfare states; and “creative learning” or implicit acknowledgment that every industrial society, including the Soviet style centrally planned economies, had to adopt at least some elements of modernized social welfare models or policy originally developed in the West. Paradoxically, first the explicit and later more implicit rejection of the Western welfare state, including the social-democratic and various “third way” models, eventually led to the rise of neoliberal and anti-welfare attitudes among many Eastern social policy reformers during the last decade of communist rule and beyond, after 1989.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Mônica de Castro Maia Senna ◽  
Aline Souto Maior Ferreira ◽  
Valentina Sofia Suarez Baldo

O artigo analisa como sistemas de proteção social na América Latina têm respondido à grave situação social decorrente da pandemia de COVID-19. Pautado em estudo exploratório, o artigo toma como foco as experiências da Argentina, Brasil e México. A perspectiva de análise considera que as respostas produzidas por esses três casos às demandas sociais postas pela pandemia decorrem da interseção entre o legado prévio e estrutura institucional dos sistemas de proteção social existentes em cada país, a orientação política dos governos em exercício e a dinâmica social e política diante do contexto da crise sanitária. Verifica que nos três países, a despeito de medidas protetivas de maior ou menor abrangência e magnitude, que reforçam a proteção social existente ou introduzem novos mecanismos – todos eles temporários – a crise social própria às formações sociais latino-americanas se agravou.LATIN AMERICAN SOCIAL PROTECTION SYSTEMS AND RESPONSES TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: Argentina, Brazil and MexicoAbstractThe article analyses how social protection systems in Latina America have responded to the serious social situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Guided by an exploratory study, the paper focuses on the experiences of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. The analysis considers that the responses produced by the three cases results from the intersection between the institutional structure’s previous legacy of the social protection systems existing in each country, the political orientation of the governments in exercise and the social and political dynamics in the sanitary crisis context. It seems that, despite protective measures of greater or lesser scope and magnitude, which either reinforce the existing social protections or introduce new mechanisms – all of them temporary – the social crisis specific to Latin American social formations has worsened in the countries studied.Keywords: Social protection. COVID-19. Brazil. México. Argentina


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Halm ◽  
Martina Sauer ◽  
Saboura Naqshband ◽  
Magdalena Nowicka

The institutionalized inclusion of the Freie Wohlfahrtspflege in state social policy is not only a special feature of the political system in Germany, but is also seen as a model of success. This study examines social services provided by migrant organizations in terms of their scope, quality, and the conditions of provision.


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