scholarly journals Wohlfahrtspflegerische Leistungen von säkularen Migrantenorganisationen in Deutschland, unter Berücksichtigung der Leistungen für Geflüchtete

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Halm ◽  
Martina Sauer ◽  
Saboura Naqshband ◽  
Magdalena Nowicka

The institutionalized inclusion of the Freie Wohlfahrtspflege in state social policy is not only a special feature of the political system in Germany, but is also seen as a model of success. This study examines social services provided by migrant organizations in terms of their scope, quality, and the conditions of provision.

1975 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Birrell ◽  
Alan Murie

ABSTRACTSocial policy in Northern Ireland offers examples of social policies strongly influenced by ideological considerations. There are a number of factors which determine how susceptible services and policies are to ideological influences. Some services are particularly sensitive to ideological values and demands, for example, education. In certain areas the distribution of services and the allocation of resources has been significant in maintaining the political structure. The distribution of administrative responsibility, the absence of pressure from Britain for maintaining parity in social services, and the absence of non-secretarian pressures on the government are other significant factors. The process of analysing problems and formulating social policy reflects deep ideological divisions. This can be contrasted with the rational, empirical and pragmatic models of policy making, implicit in the development of social policy in Britain. With some minor modifications the British model of the Welfare State operates in Northern Ireland. In some areas it operates to serve ends other than those of redistribution or meeting social need. This provides insights into some of the assumptions made about social policy and the Welfare State in Britain.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Henn ◽  
Mark Weinstein ◽  
Sarah Hodgkinson

Only 37 per cent of young people voted at the 2005 British General Election, seemingly confirming the oft-cited view that this generation is becoming increasingly disconnected from the political process. Results from a nationwide survey, however, indicate that their withdrawal from formal politics is more a result of their scepticism of the way the political system operates, than apathy. Furthermore, they are diverse in their political (dis)engagement. Results from an examination of the relative effects of socio-economic location and social capital are inconclusive, although the data indicate that government social policy aimed at mobilising social capital and addressing socio-economic issues may increase civic engagement.


Author(s):  
Svitlana Bondar ◽  
Rostyslav Tsimokha

The article offers an analysis of political parties: their essence, functions, image formation, the role of the party as a mediator between the government and society, the activities of parties in elections. The features of the social work of political parties are shown, on the example of the political party «Team of Sergei Rudyk. A time of change!». Mechanisms, basic approaches, the most common methods and techniques of social work with people are analyzed. The main theoretical strategies and ideas of social work are presented. Position of the political party «Team of Sergei Rudyk. A time of change!» is that first, the solution of social problems is discussed before it will be accepted and even after it has been adopted. On the party’s website https://www.rudyk.org/news/page/4/, the main projects of social work are illustrated. The publication gives the main recommendations for improving the efficiency of social work: the creation of a mechanism to help youth in self-determination in choosing the profession of social worker, to extend forms and directions of professional training of social workers, to increase expansion in the number of periodicals covering the work of social services, centres, social workers. The formation of social policy occurs based on information received from the collection of statistical data and the conduct of sociological studies. Understanding this information allows you to identify the social tasks. The realization of socially significant goals and social problems solution have been organized through social projects and social programs, which form a significant part of social policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Marek Perliński

The article presents the approach of the Swedish authorities and the community to the problem of coronavirus threat. It shows the specific nature of the activities of government and local institutions, different from that adopted in other EU countries, and resulting from the political system of Sweden, the government's prerogatives, and the high autonomy of local authorities.


The article presents acomparative analysis of the Polish and Ukrainian models of decentralization and aprocess of realization of reforms to identify the reasons that reduce the efficiency of the usage ofthe Polish reformation experience in Ukraine. Based on the analysis, it has been concluded that the Ukrainian and Polish models of local self-government are identical. They both are based on principles of decentralization; the foundation of the political system is an institute of local self-government. The main difference of the system of local self-government in Ukraine and Poland is the presence of the state administration (the institute of the prefect) in Ukraine at the level ofoblast (region) and district (area).At the same time, as in Poland there is no state administration at the district leveland the institute of voivodship functions only at the voivodship level. The positive results of the reform in Poland include:the organs of local self-government are able to make investment decisions and plan their own development,the quality of social services for the population hasimproved, the misuse of funds has decreased, and so on. But, unfortunately, the reforms have not solved the mainproblem of regions that is shortage of financial resources. In both countries, the decentralization reformis politicised, which has led to its slowdown and delay. In Poland, the reform was postponed for four years, and in Ukraine, the situation with the reform is exacerbated by the fact that the adoption and amendment of the Constitution of Ukraine in the part of decentralization block the point about the peculiarities of realization of local self-government in the separate districts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Poland’s experience shows that state administration cannot be effective without decentralization of power. Ukraine should focus on foreign experience, but, of course, it does not indicate that Ukraine should automatically use the experience of Poland. Reforms should be adapted in accordance with ourown traditions and historical experience, as well as taking into account those mistakes that were made by the Polish authorities, in particular, with regard to the financial framework of local self-government. In addition, the specific feature of the system of local self-government in Poland is that the principle of addition rather than absorption was based on the construction of territorial levels. Each level of local government performsits functions, has it sown territory and scope of responsibility.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 250
Author(s):  
Beatriz Augusto de Paiva ◽  
Jaime Hillesheim

This article focuses on the current process that is reshaping the cycle of democratic breakdown in Brazil, triggered by the reactionary/conservative forces of August 2016.  The working classes are experiencing the harsh consequences of the global economic crisis combined with the political dispute arising from illegitimate governance:  massive unemployment, wage restraint, loss of historic labor rights and recently gained social guarantees; in short, worsening poverty against a historic backdrop of overexploitation and dependency. Based on these vectors of analysis, this article reflects on the contradictions that govern social rights and social policy on the periphery of capitalism, centering on variations in social rights within neodevelopmentalist framework and its breakdown, as well as the contemporary dilemmas faced by social services in the complex affirmation/regression of social rights.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georges Midré

This article describes the introduction of two social policy programmes aiming to provide adequate nourishment to poor families in Argentina between 1983 and 1990. They were called PAN (Programa Alimentario Nacional), and the Bono Nacional Solidario de Emergencia.A study of the introduction of social policy measures during these years can help us to understand parts of the value-structure upon which Argentine society is built. Such a study also highlights some of the main social functions that welfare programmes perform in structuring the relationship between the political system and society. Finally, the management of the programmes and the political debate surrounding them illustrate some key features of the Argentine political system and its ability to formulate a coherent social policy project.The debates concerning the organisation of social welfare schemes, in 1983 as well as in 1989, must be seen in relation to the general structure of the social welfare system in the country. Both by European and Latin American standards, Argentina's first ‘labour laws’ were passed at an early stage.2 However, Argentina never became a ‘Welfare State’ in the sense that all of the population was included. One of the reasons for this is connected with the impotence of the State. Several analysts have underlined the particular weakness of many Latin American States, a consequence of a pronounced corporative logic that dominates the implementation of public policies.3 In fact, the social impact of welfare policies reflects the overall power structure in society in a more clear-cut way than we see in most European Welfare States.4


2019 ◽  
pp. 93-108
Author(s):  
Wiesław Theiss

The subject of the article is the relation between social pedagogy – the so-called real socialism, seen in the perspective of the nationwide conference on social pedagogy and social policy held in Warsaw in 1967. This forgotten today, but important event was another attempt at the process of positioning social pedagogy in the political, social and scientific realities of the time. It was aimed at showing the place and role of this discipline of education in building the so-called socialist system. During the conference there was a dialog and confrontation between two fundamental ways of understanding social pedagogy: the “traditional” one, in accordance with the concept of Helena Radlińska, and the “socialist” one, corresponding to the principles of the political system of the country building a “developed socialist society”. A visible result of this discourse was the concept of a “third space”: social pedagogy, which, while maintaining the traditional ideological and scientific objectives, was engaged in solving current civil, educational, cultural and social problems. In this perspective, the primary influence of historical and social factors on the development of social pedagogy, its ideological foundations, theory and practice is sometimes revealed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 11-18
Author(s):  
Ludmiła Dziewięcka-Bokun

The leading theme of the article revolves around the growing need for a new developmental paradigm that would help to rearrange social links towards more solidarity and responsibility for each other, for more empathy for the vulnerable members of European societies, fair access to basic necessities, for policy of social cohesion based on human dignity and human rights, for sustainable societal development. To put it briefly, we need to put the human being in the centre of interest of politicians. Without this the efficiency of the economy and the viability of the political system will be less than optimal. Quo vadis, Europo? Rozważania na temat polityki społecznej Unii EuropejskiejWiodącą tezą artykułu o wyzwaniach społecznych Unii Europejskiej jest twierdzenie o potrzebie sformułowania nowego paradygmatu rozwoju społecznego, który tworzyłby podstawy dla więzi społecznych opartych na większej solidarności, odpowiedzialności i na empatii społecznej, szczególnie wobec najsłabszych członków społeczeństw europejskich, na polityce zrównoważonego rozwoju społecznego, spójności społecznej i respektowania godności i praw człowieka. Krótko rzecz ujmując, Europie potrzebna jest nowa wspólna polityka społeczna, w której spójność i harmonijny rozwój społeczny tworzyć fundament będą efektywności ekonomicznej, sprawności europejskiego systemu politycznego i pokoju społecznego.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
KÁTIA ALVES FUKUSHIMA

O governo Chávez (1999-2013) situou-se em um processo de rupturas com o sistema político vigente até 1998, constituindo-se em um novo bloco no poder, em que o presidente Chávez conseguiu se utilizar do aparelho do Estado para difundir sua ideologia e construir uma nova hegemonia no país. Durante 14 anos no poder, Chávez possuía significativa legitimidade perante a população. Esta, explicada por suas políticas sociais, as chamadas “Missões Bolivarianas”. Neste sentido, nosso intuito consiste em analisar o governo Chávez a partir dos avanços sociais, buscando mostrar se houve o fortalecimento da democracia – no que se refere à educação, saúde e emprego, à diminuição da pobreza e a melhor distribuição de renda. Para tanto, tal análise se fará a partir da base de dados do Latinobarómetro, CEPAL e PNUD.ABSTRACTThe Chávez government (1999-2013) was in a process of ruptures with the political system in force until 1998, constituting a new block in power, in which President Chavez was able to use the state apparatus to spread his ideology and build a new hegemony in the country. For 14 years in power, Chavez had significant legitimacy vis-à-vis the population. This, explained by its social policies, the so-called "Bolivarian Missions". In this sense, our intention is to analyze the Chávez government based on social advances, trying to show if there was a strengthening of democracy - in terms of education, health and employment, poverty reduction and better income distribution. To do so, this analysis will be done from the database of Latinobarómetro, ECLAC and UNDP.Palavras-chave: Governo Chávez; Avanços Sociais; Democracia.Keywords: Chávez Government; Social Advances; Democracy.Recebido em 22 de Janeiro de 2018.


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