The Politics of the 1969 Somali Coup

1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. M. Lewis

In the lives of nations, as of men, reputations all too often achieve their widest currency when they are already out of date. The Somali Republic is no exception to this general rule. Although the real circumstances had already significantly altered before the military brusquely seized power in October 1969, Somalia was still generally known for democracy at home and trouble abroad. The first of these characterisations referred to the striking persistance of a vigorous and effective multi-party parliamentary system, and the second to the seemingly uniquely intractable nature of the ‘Somali Dispute’ which committed the Republic to supporting the secessionist claims of the contiguous Somali populations of Kenya, Ethiopia, and French Somaliland, at the price of severely strained relations with these neighbouring states. These and other attributes unusual amongst the new states of sub-Saharan Africa appeared to be closely connected with the Republic's exuberant sense of national identity, a quality all the more remarkable in being firmly grounded in a long-standing and entirely traditional cultural nationalism.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Olga Dzhenchakova

The article considers the impact of the colonial past of some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its effect on their development during the post-colonial period. The negative consequences of the geopolitical legacy of colonialism are shown on the example of three countries: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Angola, expressed in the emergence of conflicts in these countries based on ethno-cultural, religious and socio-economic contradictions. At the same time, the focus is made on the economic factor and the consequences of the consumer policy of the former metropolises pursuing their mercantile interests were mixed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 140-146
Author(s):  
Siti Khuzaimah Ahmad Sharoni ◽  
Alieu Sekou Konneh

Complications of pregnancy remain a serious threat in Sub-Saharan Africa despite efforts to minimise maternal mortality due to pregnancy complications, and achieve the Millennium Development Goal 5. This is a retrospective study to determine the most common pregnancy complications among adolescents compared to adults treated in a public hospital from 2015 to 2018. The researcher applied a convenience sampling method in selecting the medical records. The instrument used was adapted from previous studies and data were analysed with descriptive and chi-square test for the inferential statistics. A total of 1,265 patients met the eligibility criteria and 540 (42.7%) were adolescents. Low birth weight (n=478, 88.5%) and preterm delivery (n=496, 91.9%) were common among babies born to adolescent mothers. Pregnancy-related complications among adolescent mothers showing the prevalence of anaemia, hypertension, and malaria were 494 (84.9%), 149 (56.2%) and 193 (62.1%) respectively. Gestational diabetes was found to be high among adult mothers (n=98, 74.8%). Among adolescent mothers, the prevalence of eclampsia was 62 (78.5%) and hemorrhage 61 (53.0%). The prevalence of Intrauterine growth restriction (IUGR) was high among adolescent mothers (n=252, 80.5%). Comprehensive strategies are needed to keep girls in schools and to raise awareness and develop campaigns about using contraception properly to reduce the incidence of adolescent pregnancy as well as to minimise the incidence of pregnancy-related complications.


1964 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
E. Allan Farnsworth

The Republic of Senegal has embarked upon a project to reform its private law. This fact, of itself, might not seem worthy of the attention of the legal profession in the United States, since Senegal is a country of only about 3,250,000 inhabitants, less than the population of the state of Alabama, covering only 76,000 square miles, less than the area of the state of Kansas, and having a total of exports and imports to the dollar zone of less than twelve million dollars in 1962. With twenty per cent of its population in its six largest cities of more than 30,000 inhabitants, it is the most urban, most literate, and most Europeanized of the francophonic countries of sub-Saharan Africa, but this alone would evoke little interest abroad in its attempts at law reform.


Author(s):  
Daniel G. Zirker

Why have there been no successful military interventions or civil wars in Tanzania’s nearly 60 years of independence? This one historical accomplishment, by itself striking in an African context, distinguishes Tanzania from most of the other post-1960 independent African countries and focuses attention on the possibilities and nature of successful civil–military relations in sub-Saharan Africa. Contrary to most civil–military relations theory, rather than isolating the military in order to achieve civilian oversight, Tanzania integrated the military, the dominant political party, and civil society in what one observer called a combination of “political militancy” and “antimilitarism,” somewhat akin, perhaps, to the Chinese model. China did provide intensive military training for the Tanzanians beginning in the 1960s, although this could in no way have been expected to ensure successful integration of the military with civil society, nor could it ensure peaceful civil–military relations. Eight potentially causal and overlapping conditions have been outlined to explain this unique absence of civil–military strife in an African country. Relevant but admittedly partial explanations are: the largely salutary and national developmental role of the founding president, Julius Nyerere; the caution and long-term fear of military intervention engendered by the 1964 East African mutinies; Tanzania’s radical foreign policy as a Frontline State; its ongoing territorial disputes with Uganda and Malawi; concerted efforts at coup-proofing through the co-opting of senior military commanders; and the country’s striking ethnic heterogeneity, in which none of the 125 plus ethnolinguistic tribes had the capacity to assume a hegemonic dominance. Each factor has a role in explaining Tanzania’s unique civil–military history, and together they may comprise a plausible explanation of the over 50 years of peaceful civil–military relations. They do not, however, provide a hopeful prognosis for future civil–military relations in a system that is increasingly challenging the dominant-party state, nor do they account for Tanzania’s subsequent democratic deficit.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Faïda Ajili ◽  
Riadh Battikh ◽  
Janet Laabidi ◽  
Rim Abid ◽  
Najeh Bousetta ◽  
...  

Introduction. Malaria had been eliminated in Tunisia since 1979, but there are currently 40 to 50 imported cases annually. Soldiers are no exception as the incidence of imported malaria is increasing in Tunisian military personnel after returning from malaria-endemic area, often in Sub-Saharan Africa. Methods. We retrospectively analyzed the clinical and biological presentations, treatment, and outcomes of 37 Tunisian military personnel hospitalized at the Department of Internal Medicine, the Military Hospital of Tunis, between January 1993 and January 2011, for imported malaria. The clinical and laboratory features were obtained from the medical records and a questionnaire was filled by the patients about the compliance of malaria prophylaxis. Results. Thirty-seven male patients, with a mean age of 41 years, were treated for malaria infection. Twenty-two were due to Plasmodium falciparum. The outcome was favourable for all patients, despite two severe access. The long-term use of chemoprophylaxis has been adopted by only 21 (51%) of expatriate military for daily stresses. Moreover, poor adherence was found in 32 patients. Conclusion. The risk of acquiring malaria infection in Tunisian military personnel can largely be prevented by the regular use of chemoprophylactic drugs combined with protective measures against mosquito bites.


1996 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-103
Author(s):  
Jonathan Ikoba ◽  
Akorlie A. Nyatepe-Coo ◽  
Oluwole Owoye

This paper examines the relative contributions of domestic and external factors to real exchange rate changes in six sub-Sahara African countries during the period 1960–91. A vector autoregression (VAR) model is used to analyze the interrelationships between the current account, the budget balance and the real exchange rate. The results suggest that external factors such as the terms of trade and foreign income were as important as domestic policy mistakes in causing real exchange rate misalignment in sub-Saharan Africa.


1986 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pat McGowan ◽  
Thomas H. Johnson

Decolonisation in sub-Saharan Africa began in January 1956 when the Sudan joined long-independent Ethiopia and Liberia as a new, post-colonial state. Although the process is not yet complete because of the disputed status of Namibia and South Africa's continued rule by a white minority, over the past 30 years as many as 43 new states have achieved independence from colonial rule, the most recent being Zimbabwe in April 1980.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 622-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pelle Ahlerup ◽  
Thushyanthan Baskaran ◽  
Arne Bigsten

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 126-139
Author(s):  
Abejide L.E.O. ◽  
Alaba S.

The paper therefore x-rays the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on migration dynamics by analyzing types and trends dynamics of migrants’ movement, demographic dynamics of migration as related to the inflow of remittances (both cash and in-kind) to SSA countries prior to the pandemic. Also discusses the constraints of transferring cash remittances and subsequent decline posed by the COVID-19 outbreak during and beyond the pandemics. Secondary evidence from Somali and Nigeria were analyzed on the constraints of remitting cash, while in-kind remittance from the Republic of Chad was evaluated. The importance of remittances to the home communities was established. Measures to safeguard SSA migrants’ mobility and their remittances, citing some selected countries of destination, were exploited. The paper concludes that COVID-19 impacts on migration should be opportunities for policymakers (both home and destination countries) to reset their efforts towards protecting migrants and their future activities.


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