From Hill tribes to Indigenous Peoples: The localisation of a global movement in Thailand

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-31
Author(s):  
Micah F. Morton ◽  
Ian G. Baird

This article presents a chronology of the growth of the concept of Indigeneity in Thailand, analysing the particular ways in which the global Indigenous movement has taken root in the country. In Thailand, transnational support networks and the opening of political associational space played key roles in facilitating the growth of, first, a regional, and later a national Indigenous movement during the 1980s and early 2000s, respectively. Indigenous Peoples in Thailand are asserting their identity by drawing on a new concept of Indigeneity being promoted by the United Nations and other international advocacy organisations that identifies them not only as first peoples, but crucially as colonised or oppressed peoples. Indigenous Peoples in Thailand are further asserting both their cultural distinctiveness and their compatibility with the Thai nation. The Indigenous movement in Thailand differs from movements in Australia, Canada, and the United States where Indigenous Peoples must perform their cultural distinctiveness to maintain political recognition, and in turn are accused of being not different enough when exercising their rights. In Thailand, rather, Indigenous Peoples are accused of being not Thai enough in their efforts to push for any political recognition. While the Thai government denies the relevance of the concept of Indigeneity to Thailand, it is clear that the Indigenous movement in Thailand has grown since the early 2000s. In fact, state policies between the 1950s and early 2000s contributed toward the scaling-up of a pan-Hill tribe identity among the core groups associated with the movement.

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-109
Author(s):  
Jane Caputi

Critical Anthropocene analyses, including those naming the era the Capitalocene and the Plantationocene, neglect to analyze the gendered-sexual domination, or rapism, that founds the era. The origins of the Anthropocene extend back some seven thousand years to the establishment of patriarchal systems, based in ruling men establishing control over women’s sexual and reproductive powers. That model of domination then extended into the enslavement of others, ownership of land, and establishment of social hierarchies. These patterns mark the founding of the United States through the European rapist genocide of Indigenous peoples and theft of land, as well as the rapism at the core of chattel slavery. These enactments of motherfucking enabled a world-wide cotton industry, which in turn made possible the global and rapacious capitalist system that is most responsible for the Anthropocene. Gendered sex and violence infuse ecocidal activities, past and present, including plowing, drilling, nuking, and fracking—which all double as slang terms for fucking.


Author(s):  
Kimberly R. Huyser ◽  
Sofia Locklear

American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) Peoples are diverse, but their diversity is statistically flattened in national-level survey data and, subsequently, in contemporary understandings of race and inequality in the United States. This chapter demonstrates the utility of disaggregated data for gaining, for instance, nuanced information on social outcomes such as educational attainment and income levels, and shaping resource allocation accordingly. Throughout, it explores both reasons and remedies for AIAN invisibility in large data sets. Using their personal identities as a case in point, the authors argue for more refined survey instruments, informed by Indigenous modes of identity and affiliation, not only to raise the statistical salience of AIANs but also to paint a fuller picture of a vibrant, heterogeneous First Peoples all too often dismissed as a vanishing people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prasit Leepreecha

This article investigates the processes of becoming Indigenous Peoples in Thailand by tracing the transnational relationships and influences of global Indigenous movements on the creation of the Network and the Council of Indigenous Peoples in Thailand (NIPT and CIPT). In addition, it examines the Indigenous Peoples’ movement toward both internal and external recognition. I argue that in Thailand the Indigenous Peoples movement stems from the global movement and exists in relation to international organisations. Within Thailand, the movement represents a deterritorialisation of the ethnoscape, with those now identified as Indigenous Peoples previously being identified as ‘tribal peoples’, ‘ethnic minorities’, or ‘Others’ who threatened national security. Indigenous Peoples are also self-identifying as native and marginalised peoples whose basic rights must be recognised and who advocate for equal treatment as citizens. Yet, the Indigenous Peoples’ movement in Thailand is developing through a process of ongoing negotiations with various internal and external sectors. As a Hmong anthropologist and long-time participant in the Indigenous movement in Thailand, in addition to secondary sources, I draw mainly on personal observations and interviews with key informants.


Author(s):  
Oscar David Montero de la Rosa

ResumenA partir de la Constitución Política de 1991, Colombia se reconoce como un país multiétnico y pluricultural. Los 102 Pueblos Indígenas existentes en el país tienen como principios de lucha el Territorio, la Cultura, la Autonomía y la Unidad. Hoy el movimiento indígena colombiano, es un referente consolidado, a pesar del exterminio físico y cultural. Actualmente 36 pueblos están en riesgo de extinción, a raíz de las políticas estatales, el conflicto armado interno y el desarrollo occidental.  El movimiento indígena platea alternativas propias de acuerdo a sus usos y costumbres para una sociedad diversa e intercultural para el Buen Vivir de la humanidad. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo presentar las dinámicas sociales, culturales y políticas de los Pueblos Indígenas, como sujetos políticos colectivos. Palabras claves: Buen Vivir, territorios indígenas, madre tierra y cosmovisión. AbstractColombia is a multiethnic and pluri-cultural country according to article 7 of the Political Constitution of Colombia. Achievement that was given by the resistance and cohesion of the indigenous movement, despite being only 3.28% of the Colombian population, where there are 102 indigenous peoples, which has as principles of struggle: territory, culture, autonomy and unity. Today the Colombian indigenous movement is a reference for the social movements of the country and the Abya Yala movement of peace that raises own alternatives according to their uses and customs for a diverse and intercultural society for the good living of humanity. Despite the fact that extermination in which it lives both physically and culturally, since there are 36 peoples in extinction, as a result of the state policies, the internal armed conflict and the development proposal posed by the West. This research project aims to explain the social, cultural and political dynamics that indigenous peoples have as collective political subjects with respect to the territory and the Good Living that is lived in it. Re meaning the traditions, the uses and imaginaries that we have to maintain our principles of struggle and identity, affected by current problems outside our peoples.Keywords: Good Living, indigenous territories, development, Mother Earth, cosmology, cosmogony, interculturality.


Author(s):  
Michael Mascarenhas

Three very different field sites—First Nations communities in Canada, water charities in the Global South, and the US cities of Flint and Detroit, Michigan—point to the increasing precariousness of water access for historically marginalized groups, including Indigenous peoples, African Americans, and people of color around the globe. This multi-sited ethnography underscores a common theme: power and racism lie deep in the core of today’s global water crisis. These cases reveal the concrete mechanisms, strategies, and interconnections that are galvanized by the economic, political, and racial projects of neoliberalism. In this sense neoliberalism is not only downsizing democracy but also creating both the material and ideological forces for a new form of discrimination in the provision of drinking water around the globe. These cases suggest that contemporary notions of environmental and social justice will largely hinge on how we come to think about water in the twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
María Cristina García

In response to the terrorist attacks of 1993 and 2001, the Clinton and Bush administrations restructured the immigration bureaucracy, placed it within the new Department of Homeland Security, and tried to convey to Americans a greater sense of safety. Refugees, especially those from Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria, suffered the consequences of the new national security state policies, and found it increasingly difficult to find refuge in the United States. In the post-9/11 era, refugee advocates became even more important to the admission of refugees, reminding Americans of their humanitarian obligations, especially to those refugees who came from areas of the world where US foreign policy had played a role in displacing populations.


Author(s):  
Andrea Harris

The introduction presents the core historiographical problem that Making BalletAmerican aims to correct: the idea that George Balanchine’s neoclassical choreography represents the first successful manifestation of an “American” ballet. While this idea is pervasive in dance history, little scholarly attention has been paid to its construction. The introduction brings to light an alternative, more complex historical context for American neoclassical ballet than has been previously considered. It places Lincoln Kirstein’s 1933 trip to Paris, famous for bringing Balanchine to the United States, within a transnational and interdisciplinary backdrop of modernism, during a time when the global art world was shifting significantly in response to the international rise of fascism. This context reverberates throughout to the book’s examination of American ballet as a form that was embedded in and responsive to a changing set of social, cultural, and political conditions over the period covered, 1933–1963.


Author(s):  
Norman Schofield

A key concept of social choice is the idea of the Condorcet point or core. For example, consider a voting game with four participants so any three will win. If voters have Euclidean preferences, then the point at the center will be unbeaten. Earlier spatial models of social choice focused on deterministic voter choice. However, it is clear that voter choice is intrinsically stochastic. This chapter employs a stochastic model based on multinomial logit to examine whether parties in electoral competition tend to converge toward the electoral center or respond to activist pressure to adopt more polarized policies. The chapter discusses experimental results of the idea of the core explores empirical analyses of elections in Israel and the United States.


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