The Catholics of France, from the Autumn of 1942 to the Invasion

1944 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 516-528
Author(s):  
Georgette Vignaux
Keyword(s):  
Previous Article ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Way

In a previous article we studied the religious and political position of the French Catholics—both of the clergy and of the laity—from the armistice to the end of the summer of 1942. Here we propose to continue this study following the same plan, considering first the questions cm which the clergy and the laity have taken a stand and indicating the nuances which differentiate their positions, and secondly the present problems in which the faithful take part on their own responsibility. French Catholic life, like all life, is in motion. Yet discovering its inspirations and currents can help us to understand the way it will manifest itself in the period of reconstruction.

Roots of the Lawndale Machine

2019 ◽  
pp. 77-88
Author(s):  
Joe Kraus
Keyword(s):  
Quarter Century ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Tactics ◽  
The World ◽  
The Way

This chapter considers the complex of politics and crime that created and depended upon a generation of Jewish gangsters in Chicago. It tells the stories of two gangsters who became politicians—Emanuel “Manny” Abrahams and Morris Eller. Manny Abrahams became the alderman for Benjamin Zuckerman’s adolescent Maxwell Street ward and was a boss of the world when Patrick was still a toddler. Abrahams got there using tactics that paved the way for Morris Eller and Jacob Arvey. Through a combination of political tactics and gangster violence, Abrahams put himself forward for election, becoming the first full-blown gangster/politician hybrid. The chapter then turns to Morris Eller, the man who picked up the pieces Abrahams left behind and went even further than Abrahams did. He played a long game, working his way from one political position to another over a quarter century, but he played it smart. He became not simply a city power broker but the leader of a gang willing to commit murder to keep him there.

scholarly journals Some points about Ho Quy Ly’s socio-economic reform policies

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. first
Author(s):  
Tran Thuan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
14Th Century ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Talented People ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way

Throughout the history of Vietnam, 10 socio-economic reformations have occurred. The size, level, nature and outcome of those reforms varied, but they all shared the same trait showing progress and revolution, especially ideology. Many leaders of socio-economic revolutions were talented people in the society who saw the cause leading to crises and the way to resolve them. They could be emperors, Confucian intellectuals, officials, etc. The reformation of Ho Quy Ly from the late 14th to the early 15th centuries is among them. It is a comprehensive and breakthrough reformation. Throughout 40 years, with his political position, Ho Quy Ly made some policies to change crisis status in terms of socio-economy in the late 14th century, especially economy. Over 600 years, many studies about Ho Quy Ly and his reform gave out many different opinions. In the feudal period, the Ho Dynasty and its reform received many negative reviews from historians who were affected by Confucianism. However, after 1954, this topic came back on research forums of modern historians in Vietnam. Those researches help researches about Ho Quy Ly's role in history become more positive than periods before. This paper will analyze the background of Vietnam society in the half-end of the 14th century to clarify reasons leading to Ho Quy Ly's changes. From the results, we can objectively judge the thoughts of the reform by Ho Quy Ly when facing the requests of his living period.

Ten Challenges for Digital Humanities and the Way Forward

2020 ◽  
pp. 297-305
Author(s):  
Stella Markantonatou ◽  
Simon Donig ◽  
George Pavlidis ◽  
Thomas Gees ◽  
Adamantios Koumpis
Keyword(s):  
Digital Humanities ◽  
Social Impact ◽  
Previous Article ◽  
Socially Relevant ◽  
The Way

In a previous article, the authors came up with a list of what they considered 10 challenges that would define the area of digital humanities at large and their evolution in the next years. However, in the almost two years that have passed since the publication of that paper, they are now able to see the need for relating the challenges for digital humanities with what one may characterize as socially relevant topics by means of outlining 10 challenges where the digital humanities can make a social impact. This chapter does that.

Spinoza's Doctrine of God in Relation to his Conception of Causality

Philosophy ◽  
1948 ◽  
Vol 23 (87) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
T. M. Forsyth
Keyword(s):  
Previous Article ◽  
Doctrine Of God ◽  
Final Cause ◽  
Final Causes ◽  
The Way

In a previous article I considered Aristotle's view of God as final cause and its relation to the philosophy of Plato; and at the end of the article I remarked on the affinity of both doctrines with that of Spinoza. The present paper is concerned with Spinoza's doctrine of God as it is related to his conception of causality and seeks, inter alia, to show that his explicit rejection of final causes does not prevent his philosophy from having in it something like the true principle of final causation. In each section I first quote the chief relevant definitions or propositions in Spinoza's Ethics, and then state what seems needful in the way of interpretation or comment.

The Parliament Act of 1911—II

1912 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-408
Author(s):  
Alfred L. P. Dennis
Keyword(s):  
Previous Article ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Lower House ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Way

A previous article attempted a summary of the contents of the Parliament Act of 1911 and a mention of its immediate ancestry. There followed notice of some historical alleviatory suggestions regarding the composition of the House of Lords and an analysis both of the actual provisions of the Act and of proposals alternative to them with respect to the powers of the Upper House in the matter of “money bills.”This second article, continuing the method of the first, includes at the outset the question of the powers of the House of Lords as to “general legislation,” i. e. public bills other than money bills. There follows reference to historical ancestry in these matters. Thus the consideration of the means by which the Act became law, that potential resort to the use of the royal prerogative by the temporary executive, may clear the way for speculation as to the significance of the Parliament Act as a whole.Briefly the Act provides for a final reduction of the powers of the House of Lords as to general legislation to a suspensive veto operative against House of Commons measures only in two successive sessions; after a lapse of two years after the first introduction of the measure in the Lower House and on its third passage there the bill can become law on the royal assent being given, the Lords notwithstanding.

scholarly journals Pendidikan politik dan politik pendidikan

2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunarso Sunarso
Keyword(s):  
Hidden Curriculum ◽  
Political Education ◽  
Education Politics ◽  
Political Position ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Nuclear Warfare ◽  
The Way

Political education, therefore, as such, has not had a central part in curiculum, although what is often referred to as the hidden curriculum could be argued to have contributed to a political education of sorts, shaping the attitudes of students towards authoriry and implicitlY forming the values of the students in such politicallY important matters as socialjustice, racial and gender equaliry, or nationallqyaliry. But such political formation would be implicit, and indeed the protesters in the 1970s against the exploration in clasrooms of the rights and wrongs of nuclear warfare did not see that their own action enforced a particular political position as the legitimate one to be subscribed to ry teachers. Education and politics are inextricablY linked. Politics is inseparable from education, unless the country plans to generate illiterate politicians' who could not be expected to lead the republi~ out of the current crises. You cannot escape politics or separate it from education. Politics is the way to manage the broad environment, and not merelY a struggle for power. Therefore it is the dury of schools to help students dijJerentiate between good politics and bad politics.

scholarly journals On the way to Fedor Karpov’s archive: Traces in the Chudov monastery?

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-36
Author(s):  
Dmitrii M. Bulanin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
16Th Century ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Literary Context ◽  
Detailed Assessment ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
Writing Activity ◽  
The Way

Only a small portion of the work written by Fedor Karpov, a diplomat and publicist who worked under the Grand Prince Vasili III, has been preserved. A detailed assessment of his literary activity is additionally complicated by the fact that Karpov’s writings were mainly extracted from the so-called formulaire collection. There, the researcher has to rely primarily on the literary context in order to get an idea of the aesthetic, ideological and political position of the writer, whose works were included into the formulaire collection. As far as Karpov is concerned, he was related primarily with the scribes from the Joseph-Volokolamsk monastery. The author of the article tries to demonstrate the significance of the Chudov monastery in the activity of the writer and diplomat, especially in the fate of Karpov’s works. It is shown in the article that the replicas of the works by Fedor Karpov in the book writing activity of the Kremlin monastery can be traced throughout the 16th century: up until 1525 Karpov was in regular correspondence with Maxim the Greek who lived in Chudov, his Panegyric to Vasili III was reflected in The Book of Degrees, which has been compiled many times and edited in the same monastery.

Béla Hamvas and the Reception of Traditionalist Ideas of R. Guénon and J. Evola in Hungary

2020 ◽  
pp. 47-52
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Sautkin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Fundamental Difference ◽  
General Context ◽  
Religious Attitude ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Way Of Thinking ◽  
The Way

The research examines the work of the Hungarian thinker of the twentieth century Béla Hamvas in the aspect of studying the reception of the ideas of in-tegral traditionalism. The author characterizes the general context of the Hungarian philosopher’s ac-quaintance with the works of the founders of the traditionalist discourse R. Guénon and J. Evola, demonstrates the specifics of his mastering of basic traditionalist subjects. It is shown that Hamvas’s interest in the traditionalist way of thinking appears in the course of his work on the problems of the crisis after he studied the so-called “criseological literature”. Hamvas, following Guénon and Evola, sees the way out of the crisis state of Modernity in the need to restore a religious attitude to being, re-turning the sacred dimension to human life. The research also reveals the moments of difference between the ideas of Hamvas and the concept of Julius Evola, as well as his fundamental difference from the founders of traditionalist thinking in terms of worldview practices and political position.

‘My dearest Tussy’: coping with separation during the Napoleonic Wars (the Fremantle papers, 1800–14)

2019 ◽  
pp. 47-69
Author(s):  
Elaine Chalus
Keyword(s):  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Female Agency ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Networks ◽  
Living Children ◽  
The Way ◽  
Officer's Wife

This chapter draws the unpublished diaries of Elizabeth (Betsey) Wynne Fremantle, 1801-14, and her correspondence with her naval husband, Captain Thomas Francis Fremantle, during the Napoleonic Wars. It examines a working naval marriage that developed into a trusted, complementary partnership and explores the way that the couple dealt with separation through their correspondence. The intertwining of family, navy and nation in the Fremantles’ correspondence – striving to establish themselves and better their families’ future prospects – is representative of many ambitious naval couples of the time. By the time that the war was finally over, their family had grown to eight living children, their estate had been expanded significantly, and the family’s naval, social and political position was well on the way to being secured. Betsey Fremantle played no small part in these achievements and this chapter’s examination of her contributions throws light on the role of the Georgian naval officer’s wife in time of war. It highlights the nature of female agency and examines the women’s part in the development and deployment of vitally important personal, social and political networks in forwarding naval family interests.

scholarly journals Pozycja prawnoustrojowa Komisji do spraw Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości Malty

2020 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 113-122
Author(s):  
Dominika Kuźnicka-Błaszkowska
Keyword(s):  
Social Activists ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Administration Of Justice ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Control Body ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Way

THE LEGAL AND POLITICAL POSITION OF THE COMMISSION FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE OF MALTAThe Commission for the Administration of Justice of Malta is an advisory and control body of the judiciary which, in accordance with the Constitution of Malta, safeguards the independence of judges. Despite the reform of its system and scope of competence in recent years, social activists are still demanding changes in the way it functions. The main allegations relate primarily to the too strong position of the executive representatives in its work, the lack of openness of the Commission, as well as nepotism and corruption in the judicial community.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document