The Wasteland of William Blake

1947 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-204
Author(s):  
Frank O'Malley

The question is: how can you put a prophet in his place when, by the very character of prophecy, he is eternally slipping out of place? William Blake was not an eighteenth century or nineteenth century mind or a typically modern mind at all. What I mean to say, right at the start, is that, although well aware of his time and of time altogether, he was not in tune with the main tendencies of his or our own time. Indeed time was a barrier he was forever crashing against. Blake's talent raved through the world into the fastnesses of die past and dramatically confronted the abysses of the future. His age did not confine him. As a poet he does not seem finally to have had real spiritual or artistic rinship with any of the rationalist or romantic writers of England. As a thinker he came to despise the inadequacy of the limited revolutionary effort of the political rebels of the Romantic Revolution. Blake's name is not to be seen mounted first with that of Paine or Godwin, of Rousseau or Voltaire, of Wordsworth or Shelley or Byron or Keats. With these he has, ultimately, little or nothing in common. At any rate, his voice and mood and impact are thoroughly different from the more publicly successful voices of the period of his life, older and younger generations alike.

2021 ◽  
pp. 335-346
Author(s):  
Laszlo Solymar

Some past predictions of the future are discussed, how both in Britain and in France during the nineteenth century illustrated newspapers predicted that by the year 2000 communications between people would involve sending moving pictures from faraway places. A few major technical innovations are envisaged. Most things will just be improved, e.g. full movies will be downloadable in seconds. In the political sphere it is emphasized that apart from a small elite, interest in politics will decline. In most parts of the world people will be happy to accept the word of authorities on any subject. Education will sink to its lowest common denominator.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107-156
Author(s):  
Adam Sutcliffe

This chapter pays close attention to the nineteenth century when philosophical abstraction was displaced as the core of thinking on Jewish purpose in an effort to make sense of the dramatic social, political and economic changes of the era. It talks about how Jews became the key case to political reforms once they were brought into the political mainstream in the wake of the French Revolution. It also analyzes how both Jewish and non-Jewish thinkers in the nineteenth century cast Jews as the bearers of a special role in leading Western society to its developmental destiny. The chapter describes the ways in which Jews proudly presented themselves as cosmopolitans, morally lofty teachers, or ethnically superior builders of the future. It reviews claims that Jews had a vital mission to perform in the world, which found wide readerships among non-Jews that resonated with the admiration for the fortitude of the Hebraic tradition in the writings of non-Jewish thinkers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Davis

AbstractWith the recent pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong, here is one of the most intriguing questions of our time – what is China’s political destiny? For some, the answer seems self-evident: world domination. Martin Jacques and many other China watchers say it is not “if” but “when China rules the world”. But the burning question is, how will China rule itself? How will it survive as a stable and centralized state through its economic and global make-over as a superpower? What will the political future of this vast and rapidly evolving nation look like? Will China have a democracy? Perhaps the answers to these questions can be found in another time and place – in Britain during the so-called long eighteenth century (1688–1832) – where we can see parallels between the forces that helped transform Britain into the global superpower of the nineteenth century and those that underpin China’s modern-day transformation. This article argues that these forces will set China on the path to democracy in the same way they helped change the political dimensions of Britain.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-167
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Sokół

The subject of this essay is Andrzej Waśkiewicz’s book Ludzie – rzeczy – ludzie. O porządkach społecznych, gdzie rzeczy łączą, nie dzielą (People–Things–People: On Social Orders Where Things Connect Rather Than Divide People). The book is the work of a historian of ideas and concerns contemporary searches for alternatives to capitalism: the review presents the book’s overview of visions of society in which the market, property, inequality, or profit do not play significant roles. Such visions reach back to Western utopian social and political thought, from Plato to the nineteenth century. In comparing these ideas with contemporary visions of the world of post-capitalism, the author of the book proposes a general typology of such images. Ultimately, in reference to Simmel, he takes a critical stance toward the proposals, recognizing the exchange of goods to be a fundamental and indispensable element of social life. The author of the review raises two issues that came to mind while reading the book. First, the juxtaposition of texts of a very different nature within the uniform category of “utopia” causes us to question the role and status of reflections regarding the future and of speculative theory in contemporary social thought; second, such a juxtaposition suggests that reflecting on the social “optimal good” requires a much more precise and complex conception of a “thing,” for instance, as is proposed by new materialism or anthropological studies of objects and value as such.


1948 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 13-14
Author(s):  
Charles Darwin

The scientific world will warmly welcome the foundation of the Institute of Navigation, and indeed we may regret that it was not founded long ago. The interest in scientific navigation goes back nearly 300 years, since it was with the aim of assisting navigation that the Royal Observatory was founded, and during the eighteenth century navigation was greatly advanced by the encouragement given to Harrison in his work on the chronometer. It took some time before this was extensively used at sea, but by the beginning of the nineteenth century it would have appeared that astronomical navigation had nearly reached perfection. It was a fine and accurate science, as witnessed by the world surveys made by such seamen as Captain Fitzroy in the 1820's and 1830's, and little more seemed to be called for, or indeed could be expected as long as astronomy was the sole means of location. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries our Institute would have had a great many interesting activities, but in the nineteenth we cannot help feeling it would have been rather dull. Even then, however, there is a matter that may excite our surprise, for the ‘Sumner’ line was discovered at a rather late date, by a master mariner at sea, whereas it ought to have been an obvious idea to anyone with even a rudimentary mathematical training.


ISLAMIKA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
M. Asep Rahmatullah ◽  
Siti Munawati ◽  
Sugih Suryagalih

Abstarct The Political Direction of Islamic Education In the 21st century, history has noted that Islamic education in Indonesia has taken root since the entry of Islam into the archipelago, that Islamic education is perfectly upright and perfect is inseparable from the role of the sultans, scholars, and Muslims continues to try to carry out the study of science majors , discussion, writing in the context of jihad fi sabillilah tafaqohu fiddien for the glory of Islam. It is also supported by Islamic political policies that are very beneficial for the interests of the world of Islamic education. Since the destruction of the Caliphate of the Ottoman Turkish Islamic government and the destruction of the Islamic kingdoms in Indonesia and the world. Then the condition of Islamic education experienced ups and downs and the lack of support from the Indonesian government. Therefore, after Indonesia's independence and the increasingly open world of globalization and modernization, it is necessary to look for ideas and ideal forms that are integrally holistic for the world of Islamic education. As well as being able to influence the policies of the Indonesian government and master the political policies of 21st century Islamic education for the future of Indonesian Muslims.Abstark Arah Politik Pendidikan Islam Abad ke 21, sejarah telah mencatat bahwa pendidikan Islam di Indonesia telah mengakar dari sejak masuknya Islam ke nusantara, pendidikan Islam tegak secara sempurna dan paripurna tidak lepas dari peranan para sultan, ulama, dan kaum muslimin yang terus berupaya melakukan kajian majlis ilmu, diskusi, menulis serta aktif dalam gerakan dakwah dan jihad fi sabillilah untuk kejayaan islam. Setelah menancapkan kekuasaan Islam, maka sistem pendidikan islam di topang oleh kebijakan politik Islam yang sangat menguntungkan bagi kepentingan dunia pendidikan Islam. Sejak kehancuran kekhalifahan pemerintahan Islam turki utsmani dan kehancuran kerajan-kerajaan Islam di Indonesia dan dunia. Maka kondisi pendidikan Islam mengalami pasang surut kemunduran dan kurangnya dukungan pemerintah Indonesia. Oleh karena itu, setelah Indonesia merdeka dan semakin terbukanya dunia globalisasi dan modernisasi, maka perlu mencari ide, dan format yang ideal secara integralistik holistik untuk dunia pendidikan Islam. Serta dapat mempengaruhi kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia dan menguasai kebijakan politik pendidikan Islam abad ke 21 untuk masa depan umat Islam bangsa Indonesia.


Author(s):  
William H. McNeill

IN THE LATTER part of the nineteenth century, east coast city dwellers in the United States had difficulty repressing a sense of their own persistent cultural inferiority vis-à-vis London and Paris. At the same time a great many old-stock Americans were dismayed by the stream of immigrants coming to these shores whose diversity called the future cohesion of the Republic into question almost as seriously as the issue of slavery had done in the decades before the Civil War. In such a climate of opinion, the unabashed provinciality of Frederick Jackson Turner's (1861-1932) paper "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," delivered at a meeting of the newly founded American Historical Association in connection with the World Columbian Exposition in Chicago (1892), began within less than a decade to resound like a trumpet call, though whether it signalled advance or retreat remained profoundly ambiguous....


Author(s):  
Alice Soares Guimarães

This chapter examines transformations of state–society relations in eighteenth-century Portugal in relation to Enlightened political debates of the time. It also explores how these transformations shaped the relations between Portugal and Brazil in the nineteenth century, the debate about the political form of independent Brazil, and the intra-Brazilian struggles over this form before and after independence. More importantly, it challenges the notion that the Enlightenment was absent from the Portuguese Empire as a result of the rejection of modern ideas by conservative world views and projects. It argues that there was a Luso-Brazilian Enlightenment that was plural and eclectic, supporting both critiques and defences of the absolute power of the king, endorsing simultaneously a secularisation process, the promotion of reason and Roman Catholicism, and fostering not only revolutionary projects but also conservative state reforms.


Author(s):  
T. C. Smout

This book presents an overview of the first six decades of the Union of the Crowns. It also provides a picture of the uses to which judicial torture was put after 1660 and a summary of the straits in which Scotland found itself in the opening years of the eighteenth century. It then explores the problems which union posed to maritime lawyers of both nations, the dark reception that the Scots received in eighteenth-century England, and the way Enlightenment Scotland viewed the British unions. It examines the ambitions of Scottish élites in India, the frame for radical cooperation in the age of the Friends of the People and later, and the background for the sojourn of Thomas and Jane Carlyle in London. It finally outlined the Anglo-Scottish relations on the political scene in the nineteenth century. The parliamentary union did little in the short run for Anglo-Scottish relations. It is shown that Scots are indeed worried and worry a lot about Anglo-Scottish relations, but the English worried and worry about them hardly at all, except in times of exceptional crisis, as in 1638–54, 1703–7, 1745–7 and perhaps much later in the 1970s after oil had been discovered.


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