Elodie Lecuppre-Desjardin and Anne-Laure Van Bruaene, Emotions in the Heart of the City (14th–16th Century). (Studies in European Urban History, 1100–1800, 5.) Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. Paper. Pp. viii, 298; black-and-white figures and black-and-white illustrations. €59.

Speculum ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 81 (02) ◽  
pp. 651-652
2020 ◽  
pp. 7-9

Examination of (35) samples of spices obtained from local markets for the purposes of isolating and diagnosing fungi growing on them. Anine isolates belonging to 13 different types of fungi were diagnosed by the standard dilution method with three replications, and it has been observed that the most samples from which the fungi were isolated is ginger. It was found that the most isolated species of fungi are Penicillium, Aspergillus, and Rizupes spp. A rare colony of fungi was observed, which indicates contamination of the spices under study with the fungus. The present study aims to identify the potential risks of the presence of fungi in spices and what may result from mycotoxins that may be the cause of many chronic diseases as a result of using these spices in large quantities. The study recommends limiting the use of contaminated spices, especially ginger, in preparing food and its uses, in addition to other types such as cloves, black and white pepper, and other types of spices found in the local markets, especially the expired ones.


Author(s):  
Joseph Ben Prestel

Between 1860 and 1910, Berlin and Cairo went through a period of dynamic transformation. During this period, a growing number of contemporaries in both places made corresponding arguments about how urban change affected city dwellers’ emotions. In newspaper articles, scientific treatises, and pamphlets, shifting practices, such as nighttime leisure, were depicted as affecting feelings like love and disgust. Looking at the ways in which different urban dwellers, from psychologists to revelers, framed recent changes in terms of emotions, this book reveals the striking parallels between the histories of Berlin and Cairo. In both cities, various authors associated changes in the city with such phenomena as a loss of control over feelings or the need for a reform of emotions. The parallels in these arguments belie the assumed dissimilarity between European and Middle Eastern cities during the nineteenth century. Drawing on similar debates about emotions in Berlin and Cairo, the book provides a new argument about the regional compartmentalization of urban history. It highlights how the circulation of scientific knowledge, the expansion of empires, and global capital flows led to similarities in the pasts of these two cities. By combining urban history and the history of emotions, this book proposes an innovative perspective on the emergence of different, yet comparable cities at the end of the nineteenth century.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Jacob
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-60
Author(s):  
Nur Ainul Basyirah Alias ◽  
Ermy Azziaty Rozali

Abstract This research is discuss about the important figure in the development of waqf in Sarajevo by the governor of Bosnia in the 16th century, Gazi Husrev Beg. His important role in developing the city of Sarajevo through his waqf institutions had a positive impact on the local community. Sarajevo, which was originally a small settlement changed into a well-organized city and a thriving trading center in the early 16th century. Although Gazi Husrev Beg was not a pioneer of waqf establishment in Sarajevo, but the development of the city of Sarajevo was seen to reach its peak after his waqf institution, especially the waqf complex and bezistan (closed market) began to be built. Therefore, this writing aims to examine the waqf of Gazi Husrev Beg in Sarajevo as well as look at the development of the city as a result of his waqf. The methodology of this research is focused on information obtained from library research such as books, journal articles, theses and websites. In addition, this study also obtained data from the Medrese Kurshumliya Museum which is a museum within the Gazi Husrev Beg waqf complex. Thus, the findings of this research identify that Gazi Husrev Beg had his own waqf complex as commonly did by the Ottoman rulers in Anatolia. In addition to establishing waqf institutions, he and his wife, Shahdidar also provided loans to businessmen through the money invested by them, subsequently setting the interest for each loan at the rate allowed by the fatwa of the Ottoman mufti. Through the benefits of the loan, it is change into cash waqf to be channeled for building maintenance and payment of salaries for employees at the waqf institution with the existence of this waqf building, the city of Sarajevo developed into an important administrative and commercial center throughout the era of Ottoman rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Keywords: Gazi Husrev Beg, Ottoman Sarajevo, waqf history, waqf complex   Abstrak   Kajian ini membincangkan berkaitan tokoh penting dalam pembangunan wakaf di Sarajevo oleh gabenor Bosnia pada abad ke-16M, iaitu Gazi Husrev Beg. Peranan penting beliau dalam memajukan bandar Sarajevo melalui institusi wakaf miliknya memberikan impak yang positif kepada masyarakat tempatan. Sarajevo yang pada awalnya merupakan penempatan kecil berubah landskap menjadi sebuah bandar yang tersusun dan pusat perdagangan yang pesat bermula awal abad ke-16M. Walaupun Gazi Husrev Beg bukanlah pelopor kepada pembinaan wakaf di Sarajevo, tetapi kemajuan bandar Sarajevo dilihat mencapai kemuncaknya setelah institusi wakaf beliau terutamanya kompleks wakaf serta bezistan (pasar tertutup) mula dibina. Oleh yang demikian, penulisan ini bertujuan untuk meneliti wakaf Gazi Husrev Beg di Sarajevo serta melihat pembangunan bandar tersebut hasil wakaf beliau. Metodologi kajian ini adalah tertumpu kepada maklumat yang didapati daripada kajian kepustakaan seperti buku, artikel jurnal, tesis dan laman sesawang. Selain itu, kajian ini juga mendapatkan data daripada Muzium medrese Kurshumliya, iaitu sebuah muzium di dalam kompleks wakaf Gazi Husrev Beg. Justeru, dapatan kajian mengenal pasti bahawa Gazi Husrev Beg mempunyai kompleks wakafnya sendiri seperti mana yang biasa dilakukan oleh pemerintah ‘Uthmaniyyah di Anatolia. Selain menubuhkan institusi wakaf, beliau dan juga isterinya, Shahdidar turut memberikan pinjaman kepada para ahli perniagaan melalui wang yang dilaburkan oleh mereka, seterusnya menetapkan faedah bagi setiap pinjaman dengan kadar yang dibenarkan oleh fatwa mufti kerajaan ‘Uthmaniyyah. Melalui faedah pinjaman tersebut, ia dijadikan wakaf tunai untuk disalurkan untuk penyelenggaraan bangunan dan pembayaran gaji para pekerja di institusi wakafnya. Dengan kewujudan bangunan wakaf ini, bandar Sarajevo berkembang menjadi pusat pentadbiran dan perdagangan yang penting di sepanjang era pemerintahan ‘Uthmaniyyah di Bosnia dan Herzegovina. Kata kunci: Gazi Husrev Beg, Sarajevo era ‘Uthmani, Sejarah wakaf, Kompleks wakaf


Author(s):  
Nazar Levus

In the second half of the 16th century in Lviv were conducted meeting of the Border Commission. The Commissionresolved the controversial questions related to the land issue and ordering its boundaries. During its implementation,city delegates and commissioners often stopped for rest and lunch. Meat, fish, bread, various spices and wine wereaccompanied participants of the Borders Commission during joint meetings, whether at the City Hall or outside it.This and other information is vividly illustrated by a source such as the Lviv weekly-expenditures book for 1572–1582. This source has big information potential. In the Lviv weekly-expenditures books you can find informationabout the activities of the city authorities (councils and benches of the city of Lviv); the acomplishment of functions by city officials (such as the executioner); routine affairs in the city, etc. This publication provides three fragments ofthe source of the Boundary Commission meeting for 1578, 1579, 1581.The Boundary Commission of 1578 was held on the eve of the Birthday of John the Baptist (June 24) and lasted fromJune 20 to June 23, 1578. The source does not provide specific details of the dispute, but it can be assumed that a soildispute arose between a monastic order of Lviv Dominicans and Bryukhovychi peasants. During the joint lunchesand dinners in the suburban tavern in Bryukhovychi, for four days, the commissioners drank three barrels of beer, 22jugs (85 liters) of Hungarian wine, consumed veal; fish and herrings (most likely eaten on Friday June 22); breadand other dishes cooked for them.In 1579, the Commission resolved the disputed issues between the city and Lviv’s podstoli, Joakim Samp. During itsmeeting on the second Sunday of Lent in 1579, were present Lviv’s castellans Stanislav Herburth and Lviv starostaMykola Herburth. Each of them was presented with 8 jugs of Malvasia for greetings. To feed the delegates werepurchased variety of fish, bread, spices, vegetables, condiments and 27 jugs of Malvasia. It is interesting that theCommissioners did not consume meat under the Border Commission because it took place during Lent.The Borders Commission, in October 1581, was also involved in resolving the dispute between Joachim Samp and thecommunity of Lviv. The meetings of the Commission were followed by lavish dinners. In particular, to the borders thatwere checked was bought 2 barrels of beer, two-quarters of meat, 5 chickens, bread, various roots. On Tuesday, October13, 1581, all the commissioners and guests, including Mykola Herburt, the Lviv starosta and Mykola Meletsky,the Podolsk voivode, and all their servants were gratulated in Sikhiv Korchma. For festive supper was bought twocalves, four quarters of meat, 2 barrels of beer, rye and white bread, vegetables, lemons, raisins, sugar, 4 vessels ofjam, 35 ½ jugs of wine and 6 jugs of alicakantu.


1989 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 30-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Katznelson

How, if at all, can studies of the city help us understand the distinctive qualities of the American regime? In “The Burdens of Urban History,” which refines and elaborates his earlier paper “The Problem of the Political in Recent American Urban History,” Terrence McDonald, a historian who has written on urban fiscal policy and conflict, argues that students of the city have focused their work too narrowly on bosses and machines, patronage and pluralism. In so doing, they have obscured other bases of politics and conflict, and, trapped by liberal categories of analysis, they have perpetuated a self-satisfied, even celebratory, portrait of American politics and society. This unfortunate directionality to urban research in some measure has been unwitting because historians and social scientists have been unreflective about the genealogies, and mutual borrowings, of their disciplines. Even recent critical scholarship in the new social history and in the social sciences under the banner of “bringing the state back in” suffers from these defects. As a result, these treatments of state and society relationships, and of the themes that appear under the rubric of American “exceptionalism,” are characterized by an epistemological mish-mash, a contraction of analytical vision, and an unintended acquiescence in the self-satisfied cheerleading of the academy that began in the postwar years.


Author(s):  
Nick Mayhew

In the mid-19th century, three 16th-century Russian sources were published that alluded to Moscow as the “third Rome.” When 19th-century Russian historians discovered these texts, many interpreted them as evidence of an ancient imperial ideology of endless expansion, an ideology that would go on to define Russian foreign policy from the 16th century to the modern day. But what did these 16th-century depictions of Moscow as the third Rome actually have in mind? Did their meaning remain stable or did it change over the course of the early modern period? And how significant were they to early modern Russian imperial ideology more broadly? Scholars have pointed out that one cannot assume that depictions of Moscow as the third Rome were necessarily meant to be imperial celebrations per se. After all, the Muscovites considered that the first Rome fell for various heretical beliefs, in particular that Christ did not possess a human soul, and the second Rome, Constantinople, fell to the Turks in 1453 precisely because it had accepted some of these heretical “Latin” doctrines. As such, the image of Moscow as the third Rome might have marked a celebration of the city as a new imperial center, but it could also allude to Moscow’s duty to protect the “true” Orthodox faith after the fall—actual and theological—of Rome and Constantinople. As time progressed, however, the nuances of religious polemic once captured by the trope were lost. During the 17th and early 18th centuries, the image of Moscow as the third Rome took on a more unequivocally imperialist tone. Nonetheless, it would be easy to overstate the significance of allusions to Moscow as the third Rome to early modern Russian imperial ideology more broadly. Not only was the trope rare and by no means the only imperial comparison to be found in Muscovite literature, it was also ignored by secular authorities and banned by clerics.


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