The Bilateral Relationship between Austria-Hungary and the United States from April to December 1917

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 261-295
Author(s):  
Václav Horčička

The significance of the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy in 1918 is unquestionable in the context of Central European history. Small countries were formed, replacing a multinational empire. These new countries, however, had to deal with the aftermath of the downfall of the monarchy in the political, economic, and social spheres for a long time thereafter. Because so much is known about the collapse of the Danubian Monarchy today, one may wonder what else could possibly be said about the end of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Countless authors at home and abroad, some of them distinguished and others unreliable, as well as eyewitnesses and professional historians, have all devoted time and energy to this subject throughout the nearly one hundred years that have passed since the old monarchy fell apart.

At the end of President Barack Obama’s second term, it appeared that the United States and Cuba might be on track to normalize relations after five decades of Cold War animus. These hopes seemed dashed by the results of the 2016 U.S. presidential election, which brought to power a candidate that made clear his desire to undo Obama’s signature policies. Drawing insight from the political, economic, and legal spheres, The Cuba-U.S. Bilateral Relationship: New Pathways and Policy Choices examines possible ways forward for the two former Cold War adversaries. Topping the list of issues that requiring attention include outstanding property claims, now worth over $8 billion, that date back to the 1959 Revolution, establishing U.S.-Cuban economic relationships in multiple sectors of the economy, and an array of contentious political issues in both Cuba and the United States. This volume addresses these issues by raising challenging policy questions, providing thought-provoking observations, offering insightful commentary, and positing viable policy choices across a range of political, legal, and economic issues.


Author(s):  
Mercy Widjaja

<p>This study analyzes the political motives behind China’s economic policy, known as One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative. OBOR offers help to developing country, including Indonesia, to develop their infrastructure and domestic industries. This initiative can enlarge China's political power on the global scene, and pose a greater threat to the United States. To collect data and arguments about China's political and economic position, this study uses an explanative-qualitative method. Neorealism, hegemony stability, regionalism, and political economy are theories that are used to shape the thinking frameworks and to solve the existing problems. China also aims for greater power in the region, to secure the country’s interest. According to neorealism theory, a country's behavior is a manifestation of the country's interests and the only way to secure the country is by becoming a strong state. The stronger the state, the less chance that the country can be attacked. That means, China’s OBOR could also create conflict of interests with other countries.</p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 113 (761) ◽  
pp. 123-124
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Hamilton

The United States and Europe must rebalance their partnership in order to face the political, economic, and security challenges of the twenty-first century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 274-277
Author(s):  
T. S. Tsar’kova ◽  

The report summarizes the data on the personal archive of Dmitrij Klenovskij, a poet and a Second Wave (wartime) emigrant whose works were highly welcomed by the Russian-speaking readers in Europe and the United States. These works, however, have taken a long time to reach the Russian audience, due to the political reasons. His Complete Poetical Works have been published recently, and Pushkinskij Dom has received a set of unique documents from Germany, which will undoubtedly be of interest to the researchers in the field of arts and humanities.


Author(s):  
William R. Thompson ◽  
Leila Zakhirova

In this chapter, we lay out the leadership long cycle theory as our framework for assessing systemic leadership and then modify it. This revised framework is then applied to the political–economic evolution of the past one thousand years to identify the factors underlying the rise and fall of a sequence of system leaders and to examine the fairly strong evidence for the linkage of energy transitions and technological leadership. We find that it is difficult to imagine the ascent of the last three system leaders (the Netherlands, Britain, and the United States) in a situation with significantly different energy foundations. In other words, had there been no peat, coal, or petroleum/electricity, respectively, these episodes of systemic leadership would have been far less likely to have occurred.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard S. Berliner

The evolution of the movement to enact a program of health insurance for the aged in the United States is examined in this article. The most popular conception of the origins and intent of Medicare is compared with empirical data drawn from the Medicare experience, and it is found to be wanting. The author presents political-economic theory to explain the origins and actual operation of the Medicare program. The dynamics of this social innovation, as seen from the political-economic perspective, are then discussed and their relevance to health policy is shown.


2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-853
Author(s):  
Crisca Bierwert

Twenty years ago a work entitled The Nations Within examined the political structures that keep Native polities embedded within the United States, and the legal armature that sovereignty principles might provide for future activism (Deloria and Lytle 1984). The Native nations are still “within,” in the political sense, but they are “out” in public discourses; activism has given sovereignty claims more standing that all but dreamers would have imagined in 1984. During the same period, however, federal Indian policies have alternatively buttressed and undercut the power of tribal leadership, just as they have on other continents where imperial powers have cultivated “Native authorities.” Such destabilizing shifts impel scholars of Native political, economic, and cultural histories to examine less visible violence and inequalities that underlie political institutions, particularly those that remain as evident constructions of power change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Ross Soled ◽  
Avik Chatterjee ◽  
Daniele Olveczky ◽  
Edwin G. Lindo

The disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on racially marginalized communities has again raised the issue of what justice in healthcare looks like. Indeed, it is impossible to analyze the meaning of the word justice in the medical context without first discussing the central role of racism in the American scientific and healthcare systems. In summary, we argue that physicians and scientists were the architects and imagination of the racial taxonomy and oppressive machinations upon which this country was founded. This oppressive racial taxonomy reinforced and outlined the myth of biological superiority, which laid the foundation for the political, economic, and systemic power of Whiteness. Therefore, in order to achieve universal racial justice, the nation must first address science and medicine's historical role in scaffolding the structure of racism we bear witness of today. To achieve this objective, one of the first steps, we believe, is for there to be health reparations. More specifically, health reparations should be a central part of establishing racial justice in the United States and not relegated to a secondary status. While other scholars have focused on ways to alleviate healthcare inequities, few have addressed the need for health reparations and the forms they might take. This piece offers the ethical grounds for health reparations and various justice-focused solutions.


2002 ◽  
Vol 101 (653) ◽  
pp. 99-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Klare

The United States cannot increase its intake of foreign oil by 50 percent, as called for under the Bush energy plan, without involving itself in the political, economic, and military affairs of the states from which all this petroleum is expected to flow. This involvement may take financial and diplomatic forms in most cases, but it will also often entail military action.


1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 195-195

HAJO HOLBORN died in Bonn on June 20, 1969, the day after he had received the first Inter Nationes Prize in recognition of his services in increasing understanding between Germany and America. He was a former Chairman of the Conference Group for Central European History, and an active member of the Board of Editors of Central European History from the beginning. He was also the first historian born and trained outside the United States to be elected President of the American Historical Association, in 1967.


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