The Lower and Middle Palaeolithic Industries of the English East Midlands

1963 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 357-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merrick Posnansky

The first palaeoliths to be described from this country were found in the south of England, particularly from the Thames Valley and East Anglia. In 1880 Boyd Dawkins wrote that tools of Drift Man were ‘conspicuous by their absence from the gravels north-west of a line passing through the Midland counties from Bristol to the Wash’. In 1897 John Evans (Evans 1897, 580), in the light of the Saltley find from the Birmingham district, questioned the view then current that their absence was due to glacial conditions prevailing north of the Severn—Wash ‘imaginary’ line, and held out hope for future finds in that northern area.Though hand axes had earlier been described from Chester (Stone 1908, 25) and Bridlington (Evans 1897, 572) it was not until the 1920's that Sir John Evans's hopes began to be realized. Randall Davies brought attention to a hand axe found in railway ballast gravel from Skellingthorpe in Lincolnshire in 1920.In the West Midlands numerous isolated finds were described from 1920 onwards by Burkitt (1920), Jack, Smith, Shotton and Clifford, the last two authors having in recent years (Shotton 1934 and 1953, Clifford 1954) provided a fairly comprehensive account and bibliography of the Lower and Middle palaeolithic finds from the West Midlands. In the East Midlands the story of discovery has been slower and very little of the material found has been published. In 1922 R. A. Smith published two flake implements from Leicestershire, though these cannot now be accepted (Posnansky 1955, 31).

Author(s):  
Stephen Rippon

The apparent adoption of a relatively uniform repertoire of material culture by Romano-British communities is one reflection of what in the past has been referred to as ‘Romanization’ (e.g. Haverfield 1912; Millett 1990), and as Eckardt (2014, 127) has noted, ‘public and academic perception has perhaps had a tendency to focus on the homogenizing influence of Roman trade and, within the theoretical framework of Romanization, to look for uniformity rather than local diversity’. The concept of Romanization has, however, recently come in for much criticism (e.g. Mattingly 2006; 2011; Revell 2016), one problem being that there is far more regional variation in artefact styles than was once thought. Dress accessories, for example, will reflect current local communal traditions, family heirlooms, religious beliefs, and what is currently fashionable, as well as wealth and status (Swift 2000b, 27–9). Regionality is clearer in the early Roman period, after which it was replaced by greater uniformity (e.g. hairpins: Cool 2000), although it is still present in some classes of later Roman material (e.g. military buckles and belt-fittings: discussed further below). While many forms of artefact were used very widely across Roman Britain, such as certain types of brooches (Bayley and Butcher 2004, figs. 166–79; Mackreth 2011) and toilet instruments (e.g. Eckardt and Crummy 2008), there were some regionally specific variants. ‘Polden Hill’ brooches, for example, were largely used in the West Midlands and the West Country (Bayley and Butcher 2004, fig. 171), rear-hook brooches in East Anglia (Plouviez 2008; 2014, 35–6), and the ‘Head Stud’ type in Yorkshire and the East Midlands (Pearce and Worrell 2014, fig. 6). Walton (2012, 37–41) has even identified some marked regional differences in coin loss. Some have argued that regionally distinctive styles of artefact were used to directly signal a particular tribal or civitas identity. Laycock (2008, fig. 51), for example, has mapped stylistic variation in late fourth-century belt-fittings and argued for distinct types that he believes were related to the putative Icenian, Trinovantian, Catuvellaunian, and Corieltauvian civitates.


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (10) ◽  
pp. 1389-1404 ◽  
Author(s):  
A R Townsend

The severe downturn in the British economy in 1980 is apparent in regional data for employment (provisional), redundancies, and unemployment. Five shift-share analyses are used here to explore the data on employment and redundancies, three of them conducted at ‘minimum list heading’ level. The period 1976 to 1979 is one of poor performance by regions of traditional policy interest, whereas the events of 1980 are seen as essentially a national phenomenon. However, bias in the industrial composition of the recession towards manufacturing in general and towards certain individual products is sufficient to focus its very worst effects on Wales, the West Midlands, and the North West.


1967 ◽  
Vol 133 (2) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
K. L. Wallwork ◽  
Charles Hadfield
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 733-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
MONIKA KRZYŻANOWSKA ◽  
C. G. NICHOLAS MASCIE-TAYLOR

SummaryUsing a sample of 2090 father and son pairs, the regional variation in height, weight and body mass index (BMI) with intra- and inter-generational migration within Britain was examined. Highly significant regional differences in means were found only for fathers. The overall mean height difference between regions ranged from about 2.7 cm to 3.1 cm, with the tallest fathers being found in the East & South-East region and the shortest in Wales. The variation in mean weight between regions was less significant, with the difference between the heaviest region (West Midlands) and lightest (South-West) being about 3.5 kg. For BMI the highest mean was in the North and Wales and the lowest in the South-West (difference of about 1 kg m−2). Intra-generational migrants were, on average, significantly taller than non-migrants for both fathers (+1.4 cm) and sons (+2 cm), but BMI was only significant in fathers, with migrant fathers, on average, having a lower BMI. There were no significant differences in weight between geographically mobile groups for either fathers or sons. Differentiating between regional in- and out-migration revealed that in the fathers' generation in-migrants were taller, on average, in six of the nine regions. The tallest in-migrants among fathers came into the North region; the tallest out-migrants were from Yorkshire & Humberside and the shortest were from Scotland. The largest positive gain on fathers' height was in the West Midlands region and Scotland, while negative effects were found in the Yorkshire & Humberside, East Midlands and East & South-East regions. For sons in-migrants were taller in all regions except Wales, with the largest differences between in-migrants and non-migrants being in the South-East and South-West. For out-migrants, the tallest sons came from Wales, while the shortest came from the East Midlands region. The North, East Midlands, East & South-East and West Midlands regions were net gainers, while Wales and Scotland were net losers. For BMI among fathers, in-migrants were of lower BMI than non-migrants. For out-migrant fathers, the North-West and South-West regions were the only two regions showing positive values, with the largest negative values being found in the East Midlands and Yorkshire & Humberside. The net effect of migration indicated that the largest gains were in the East Midlands and Yorkshire & Humberside regions and the largest losses were in Scotland and Wales. The inter-generational migration for BMI showed that in-migrating sons into the North-West and Wales had higher BMI than sedentes, while in-migrants into Yorkshire & Humberside were lower in BMI. In all regions out-migrants had lower BMI than non-migrants. The net effect of migration revealed that six of the nine regions were net gainers, while the Yorkshire & Humberside region was a net loser.


1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hodgetts
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  

None of the priest-holes described in the last article show the ingenuity which indicates the craftsmanship of St Nicholas Owen. The earliest dateable examples of his work are in East Anglia, at Oxburgh (c. 1589), Braddocks (1592) and Sawston (1593?). All of these are in remarkably good trim, and all can be documented from Gerard's Autobiography. But since I have already discussed these three houses elsewhere, I shall deal with them fairly briefly here, and then consider in more detail two houses in the west Midlands, Baddesley Clinton and Hindlip, where the hides can be dated to the same five years. The advantage of this procedure is that the well-authenticated examples from East Anglia can furnish a context for the discussion of Baddesley Clinton (where the identification is disputed) and Hindlip (where the house was demolished in 1814 and must be reconstructed from surviving documents).


1979 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 79-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Everitt

It is a remarkable fact, and one that needs to be pondered, that almost all our current regional terms in this country are of very recent origin. Expressions like Tyneside and Merseyside, the West Midlands and the North-East, have no very lengthy lineage; such phrases as the Home Counties cannot be traced back beyond the early decades of the railway era; the present usage even of a genuine historic name like Wessex is no more than an antiquarian revival; while the current reanimation of Mercia seems to be chiefly attributable to a contemporary police force. Perhaps the only regional name of this kind with a continuous history to the present day is East Anglia. In other words, behind most of our modern expressions, ideas and preconceptions lie implicit that were not necessarily of much significance to the people of earlier centuries. A phrase like the Home Counties, for example, implies a kind of regional unity between the shires surrounding London which until recent centuries—and in many respects until recent generations—is entirely fallacious. There was no connexion between the origins of settlement, for example, in Hertfordshire and in Sussex, and next to none between settlement in Essex and in Kent. Even in the Civil War period there was singularly little contact and no cohesion, as parliament quickly found to its cost, between the counties surrounding the capital.


1907 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 219-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward S. Forster

I Propose here to discuss briefly the topography of the triangular district which is bounded on the west by the range of Taygetus, on the east by the sea from the mouth of the Eurotas to the Bay of Skutari, and on the north by an imaginary line drawn from the mouth of the Eurotas due west to Taygetus.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 149-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Hall

The increase in urban archaeological work during the last twenty years has both illuminated many facets of pre-Norman life and demonstrated the development of individual sites to an extent hardly conceivable before. Nevertheless, the only well-defined group of sites to have received concentrated attention has been theburhsof Wessex. Prompted by Biddle's work at Winchester and Hill's elucidation of theBurghal Hidage, the establishment of a network of fortified centres and its development into an urban hierarchy in which the component sites variously played commercial, industrial, administrative and ecclesiastical roles has been charted in some detail. Beyond the frontiers of Wessex, Atkin has drawn together the available data from East Anglia. Rahtz has briefly presented the excavated evidence from the towns of the West Midlands, ‘English Mercia’; within the area of Mercia that was to become the south-eastern Danelaw (Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire and Northamptonshire), Williams has surveyed the new evidence for the urban development of Northampton, the best understood centre in the region, while Haslam has suggested that Bedford and Cambridge are examples of a group of sites, numbering a dozen or more and spread across pre-Viking Mercia, where urban origins can be traced back to deliberate foundation by Offa. North of the Humber, York has a singular position; it is the only important Northumbrian urban centre mentioned in late Anglo-Saxon historical sources, and seems to have achieved a sustained regional preeminence greater even than that of Winchester in Wessex. It has recently been reviewed; there is also a recent study of London.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. F. Moselhy ◽  
G. Georgiou ◽  
A. Kahn ◽  
E. Day

Aims and MethodThis study aimed to assess the current level of amphetamine prescribing for adults in drug services in the West and East Midlands. A questionnaire was developed to investigate prescribing habits and attitudes, and was addressed to the senior member of staff in each drug service within the West and East Midlands area.ResultsA total of 41 services were identified, and 29 questionnaires were returned (a 71% response rate). Of the services that replied, 20 (69%) prescribed amphetamines, with 132 (12%) patients identified as amphetamine misusers currently receiving a prescription. However, 26 (90%) services felt that substitute prescribing did have a role in a comprehensive service for this group.Clinical ImplicationsAlthough amphetamine prescribing has been shown to reduce both criminal and injecting behaviour, only two-thirds of the local services prescribe such drugs, with a small percentage of amphetamine users receiving a prescription. There is a need for a national consensus about substitute prescribing of amphetamines and increased flexibility within drug services when managing the problem.


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