Policy Alternatives in Southern Africa

Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (6) ◽  
pp. 34-37
Author(s):  
Donald F. McHenry

AbstractI would like to indicate some of the things that we have been trying to accomplish in the U.N. and some problems we see on the horizon.Historically U.S. policy toward Southern Africa has been developed in a multilateral context, and that is appropriate. With the exception of the Republic of South Africa, all southern African territories became a responsibility of the international community under Article 73, Chapter 11 of the U.N. Charter. The exceptions to this multilateral approach for U.S. policy were Angola and Mozambique, where relations with Portugal and NATO tended to determine policy.I cite the multilateral background to show that we have changed our views of Southern Africa as we have changed our attitudes toward Africa in the U.N. Early in the history of the U.N., the U.S. was an enthusiastic backer of decolonialization. We even risked difficulties with our World War II allies, France and the United Kingdom.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
David Ramiro Troitino ◽  
Tanel Kerikmae ◽  
Olga Shumilo

This article highlights the role of Charles de Gaulle in the history of united post-war Europe, his approaches to the internal and foreign French policies, also vetoing the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Community. The authors describe the emergence of De Gaulle as a politician, his uneasy relationship with Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II, also the roots of developing a “nationalistic” approach to regional policy after the end of the war. The article also considers the emergence of the Common Agricultural Policy (hereinafter - CAP), one of Charles de Gaulle’s biggest achievements in foreign policy, and the reasons for the Fouchet Plan defeat.


Author(s):  
Robert S. Neyland

This article describes shipwrecks from the World Wars. For marine archaeology, there are numerous archaeological sites to dive on, research, and analyze. World War II in Europe resulted in staggering losses of shipping and lives. There were changes in naval warfare that resulted from the technological development of weapons capable of sinking ships. This article highlights archaeological research on world war shipwrecks, which focuses on identifying the locations of wrecks and the causes of sinking. The U.S. Navy's wrecks are distributed in every major body of water and represent many questions formulated in World War archaeology. Furthermore, this article highlights the fact that the shipwrecks of the World Wars pose environmental concerns. Shipwreck finds from the World Wars will undoubtedly continue until all the larger ships and notable aircraft have been found, for such is the fascination with discovery and the history of the lost ships and aircraft of those conflicts.


2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-138
Author(s):  
David A. Hounshell

First experimented with in the 1920s and 1930s in the production of automobile engines, transfer machines became dominant in U.S. engine plants in the 1940s and 1950s, as automakers invested heavily in this equipment to meet pent-up demand following the war. Transfer machines thus became identified with “Detroit automation”. But with the advent of a “horsepower race”, firms found that transfer machines could not accommodate even minor changes in design. Late in the 1950s the industry developed and applied “building-block automation” to transfer machines to attain greater flexibility. Examining these developments contributes to our understanding of both specific industries and the general history of mass production and its alternatives.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Graney

A little-noted but interesting aspect of the Russian annexation of Crimea in March 2014 was Vladimir Putin's government's attempt to enlist officials from the Republic of Tatarstan to smooth the transition of Crimea back to Russian rule. It makes sense — the Crimean and Volga Tatars are ethnic, linguistic, and religious kin, and both trace their history of statehood back to the Golden Horde successor khanates of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Crimean Khanate maintained its independence far longer than Kazan was able to; while the defeat of Kazan in 1552 marked the beginning of the expansion of the modern Russian Empire under Ivan IV, the Crimean Khanate retained some form of autonomy until nearly the end of the eighteenth century. During the ensuing years, the fortunes of the two peoples and their states reversed yet again; Tatarstan emerged from Soviet rule as a powerful actor determined to make the new Russian Federation truly a federal state in practice as well as on paper (in part by invoking the heritage of the Kazan Khanate). In contrast the Crimean Tatars, never having recovered demographically or politically from their forced exile to Central Asia by Stalin during World War II, struggled to establish some form of cultural and political autonomy as part of a newly independent Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5(160) ◽  
pp. 221-228
Author(s):  
Paweł Gotowiecki

The reviewed publication contains post-conference materials, presented during the conference held in 2016 in Warsaw, entitled “The Deposit of Independence. National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile (1939–1991)”. The volume consists of 18 articles, published in chronological and topical order, devoted to the selected issues of the history of the Polish parliamentarianism in exile during World War II and in the post-war period. The authors of the articles discussed various aspects of the activities of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile, such as the participation of national minorities in the work of the quasi-parliament, biographies of the chosen parliamentarians, or the selected elements of “parliamentary practices”. This publication is not a synthesis but it supplements and develops the current state of research on the activities of the Polish quasi-parliamentary institutions in exile.


Eos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Stanley

Researchers outline the history of the U.S. government’s involvement in space weather research, from before World War II, through the Space Race, and beyond.


2021 ◽  
Vol 117 (9/10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann Louw

Ten years after the conclusion of World War II, the Department of Native Affairs of the National Party government of South Africa sponsored research into the selection of African civil servants. The study was conducted by Rae Sherwood, under the auspices of the National Social Research Council, and the National Institute for Personnel Research. In 1960, Sherwood submitted the work to the University of the Witwatersrand to obtain a PhD degree. Two government departments objected to the award of the degree. In this paper, I recount the history of the research, explaining that the acceleration of the apartheid project between 1948 and 1961 played a significant role in the controversy that developed. The paper furthermore illustrates the difficulties faced by social scientific research under repressive political conditions, and the need for a more nuanced view of the psychological research of the National Institute for Personnel Research in South Africa at the time.


1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
David F. Gordon

Despite continued American insistence that a negotiating impasse had not been reached, by the final months of 1982 it seemed clear that internationally-recognized independence for Namibia would not soon be achieved. While Washington claimed that negotiations between South Africa, Angola, and the Southwest African Peoples Organization (SWAPO) (with the U.S. as mediator) remain meaningful, there appears to have been a decisive move away from settlement. The latest round of negotiations, spearheaded by the United States as the leading element of the Western Contact Group (the U.S., the United Kingdom, France, West Germany, and Canada), has attempted to move South African-controlled Namibia to independence on the basis of Security Council Resolution 435 of September 1978.


Author(s):  
Jack Goldsmith ◽  
Tim Wu

In 1966 a retired British Major named Paddy Roy Bates took a liking to a small, abandoned concrete platform in the North Sea nicknamed “Rough’s Tower.” Rough’s Tower was a World War II gun tower used by the British to fire at German bombers on their way to London. By 1966, nobody wanted the rusting contraption, so Bates renamed it the “Principality of Sealand” and declared independence from the United Kingdom, six miles away. He awarded himself the title of Prince Roy, and proceeded to issue Sealand passports and Sealand stamps with pictures of his wife, Joan, an ex-beauty queen. Sealand has had a colorful history, but before 1999, nothing suggested that a chunk of concrete and steel off the English coast might have anything to do with the history of the Internet. That year, Bates agreed to let a young man named Ryan Lackey move to Sealand and begin transforming it into a “data haven.” Lackey’s company, “HavenCo,” equipped Sealand with banks of servers, and Internet links via microwave and satellite connections. Borrowing an idea from cyberpunk fiction, HavenCo aimed to rent computer space on Sealand to anyone who wanted to escape the clutches of government. It promised potential clients—porn purveyors, tax evaders, Web gambling services, independence movements, and just about any other government-shy Internet user—that data on Sealand servers would be “physically secure against any legal action.” HavenCo, the company boasted, would be “the first place on earth where people are free to conduct business without someone looking over their shoulder.” HavenCo was the apotheosis of the late 1990s belief in the futility of territorial government in the Internet era. Lackey’s company was premised on the commonplace assumption that governments cannot control what happens beyond their borders, and thus cannot control Internet communications from abroad. “If the king’s writ reaches only as far as the king’s sword, then much of the content of the Internet might be presumed to be free from the regulation of any particular sovereign,” wrote Duke law professor James Boyle, generalizing the point.


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