Policy Change in Direct Government Responses to UK Unemployment

1983 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Moon

ABSTRACTThis article examines the patterns of policy change in the field of direct responses to unemployment in the UK. After discussing the nature of the policy area, the article proceeds to identify instances of policy innovation, persistence, succession and termination under the headings of Job Creation, Employment Subsidy, Training, and Youth. As this is a relatively new problem for British government there are several cases of policy innovation, but the most striking finding is of a high number of policy successions. Discussion is then focused upon the relevance of a range of factors which might explain the patterns of policy change deduced, suggesting that the most important of these have been (i) ‘symbolic pay offs’ of policy change; (ii) the in-built terminators in most special employment measures; (iii) the nature and strategic position of the unemployment policy community; (iv) changing cabinet objectives. It is concluded, despite the several problems of this form of analysis pin-pointed, that in this study programme changes were generally good indicators of policy change, providing a useful over-view of this important sphere of government policy.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095792652110131
Author(s):  
Michael Billig

This paper examines how the British government has used statistics about COVID-19 for political ends. A distinction is made between precise and round numbers. Historically, using round numbers to estimate the spread of disease gave way in the 19th century to the sort precise, but not necessarily accurate, statistics that are now being used to record COVID-19. However, round numbers have continued to exert rhetorical, ‘semi-magical’ power by simultaneously conveying both quantity and quality. This is demonstrated in examples from the British government’s claims about COVID-19. The paper illustrates how senior members of the UK government use ‘good’ round numbers to frame their COVID-19 goals and to announce apparent achievements. These round numbers can provide political incentives to manipulate the production of precise number; again examples from the UK government are given.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Maurer ◽  
Jörg Haßler ◽  
Simon Kruschinski ◽  
Pablo Jost

Abstract This study compares the balance of newspaper and television news coverage about migration in two countries that were differently affected by the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015 in terms of the geopolitical involvement and numbers of migrants being admitted. Based on a broad consensus among political elites, Germany left its borders open and received about one million migrants mainly from Syria during 2015. In contrast, the conservative British government was heavily attacked by oppositional parties for closing Britain’s borders and, thus, restricting immigration. These different initial situations led to remarkable differences between the news coverage in both countries. In line with news value theory, German media outlets reported much more on migration than did their British counterparts. In line with indexing theory, German news coverage consonantly reflected the consensual view of German political elites, while British news media reported along their general editorial lines.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niall O´ Dochartaigh ◽  
Isak Svensson

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the mediation exit option, which is one of the most important tactics available to any third party mediator.Design/methodology/approachThe paper analyzes a crucial intermediary channel between the Irish Republican Army (hereafter IRA) and the British Government utilizing unique material from the private papers of the intermediary, Brendan Duddy, including diaries that cover periods of intensive communication, extensive interviews with the intermediary and with participants in this communication on both the British Government and Irish Republican sides as well as recently released official papers from the UK National Archives relating to this communication.FindingsThe study reveals how the intermediary channel was used in order to get information, how the third party and the primary parties traded in asymmetries of information, and how the intermediary utilized the information advantage to increase the credibility of his threats of termination.Research limitations/implicationsThe study outlines an avenue for further research on the termination dynamics of mediation.Practical implicationsUnderstanding the conditions for successfully using the exit‐option is vital for policy‐makers, in particular for peace diplomacy efforts in other contexts than the Northern Ireland one.Originality/valueThe paper challenges previous explanations for why threats by mediators to call off further mediation attempts are successful and argues that a mediator can use the parties' informational dependency on him in order to increase his leverage and push the parties towards settlement.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Knill ◽  
Yves Steinebach

Abstract The societal and policy transformations associated with the coronavirus disease pandemic are currently subject of intense academic debate. In this paper, we contribute to this debate by adopting a systemic perspective on policy change, shedding light on the hidden and indirect crisis effects. Based on a comprehensive analysis of policy agenda developments in Germany, we find that the pandemic led to profound shifts in political attention across policy areas. We demonstrate that these agenda gains and losses per policy area vary by the extent to which the respective areas can be presented as relevant in managing the coronavirus disease crisis and its repercussions. Moreover, relying on the analysis of past four economic crises, we also find that there is limited potential for catching up dynamics after the crisis is over. Policy areas that lost agenda share during crisis are unlikely to make up for these losses by strong attention gains once the crisis is over. Crises have hence substantial, long-term and so far, neglected effects on policymaking in modern democracies.


Author(s):  
Carlos COELLO MARTÍN ◽  
Fernando GONZÁLEZ BOTIJA

LABURPENA: Gobernu britainiarrak azterketa bat argitaratu du Eskozia burujabe batek ekarriko lituzkeen ondorioei buruz. Dokumentu horri erantsita doa bi irakasleren azterketa (James Crawford eta Alan Boyle, Edinburgoko Unibertsitatekoak), Eskoziaren burujabetza-erreferendumari buruzko alderdi juridikoak jorratuz. Bertan ondorioztatzen denez, Eskozia burujabe egiten bada, estatu berritzat hartuko da nazioarteko Zuzenbidearen ikuspegitik, eta gainerako estatuak oraingo Erresuma Batua ordeztuko luke, bere erakundeei eutsiz, eta bi estatu berri agertzearen ideia baztertuz. Horregatik, gainerako Erresuma Batuak orain kide den nazioarteko erakundeen kide izaten jarraituko luke, eta Eskoziak bere atxikipena eskatu beharko luke estatu berri gisa. Hala gertatuko litzateke, adibidez, Europar Batasunarekin. RESUMEN: El Gobierno britanico ha publicado un documento de analisis sobre las implicaciones que conllevaria una Escocia independiente. Como anexo a dicho documento se encuentra el estudio de dos profesores (James Crawford y Alan Boyle de la Universidad de Edimburgo) que analizan los aspectos juridicos del referendum sobre la independencia de Escocia. En ese estudio se concluye que si Escocia llega a ser independiente, se considerara como un nuevo Estado desde el punto de vista del Derecho internacional y el resto del actual Estado sucedera al actual Reino Unido, conservando sus instituciones, rechazandose la idea de que aparezcan dos nuevos Estados. Por ello el resto del Reino Unido continuaria como miembro de las organizaciones internacionales de las que es actualmente miembro, mientras que Escocia tendria que solicitar su adhesion como un nuevo Estado. Este seria el caso de la Union Europea. ABSTRACT: The British Government has published a major analysis paper on the implications of Scottish independence: ≪Scotland Analysis: Devolution and the Implications of Scottish Independence≫. The paper annexes an Opinion written by Professor James Crawford along with Professor Alan Boyle of the University of Edinburgh, entitled ‘Opinion: Referendum on the Independence of Scotland – International Law Aspects’. The Opinion concludes that if Scotland becomes independent, it will be considered a new state as a matter of international law and the remainder of the UK will continue the legal identity of the UK and retain its existing institutions generally uninterrupted. It rejects the alternative possibility that Scotland and the remainder of the UK will both be considered new states. The Opinion also concludes that one consequence of this is that the remainder of the UK will continue its membership of international organisations, whereas Scotland will have to join many of them as a new state. In particular, Scotland will have to join the EU as a new member state.


Author(s):  
Suk Joon Hwang ◽  
Frances Berry

Policy innovation and diffusion studies have, since 1990, generally focused on a specific policy over time. Yet, few studies have considered if and why states adopt related multiple policies—a package of reforms—in a policy area. Are more innovative states in DUI policy likely to adopt a comprehensive set of policies or use them as substitutes for each other? In this study, we assess how overall state innovativeness relates to the adoption of sixteen DUI (Driving Under the Influence) laws. We find that state innovativeness in traffic safety policies (but not overall policy innovativeness), organizational size, and professionalism of a state highway department increase the likelihood that a state will adopt a more comprehensive bundle of DUI laws. Furthermore, we also test whether institutional or competitive bandwagon effects are found across this policy area and demonstrate that national institutional bandwagon effects are an important factor related to the increased comprehensiveness of state adoption of DUI policies.


2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
RACHEL MAIRS

In recent years, a series of reports have appeared in the British press about the fate of Iraqi interpreters employed by the British forces in Basra. As well as the day-to-day risk of death or injury in the course of their work, interpreters have been vulnerable to reprisals from insurgents who view them as collaborators and traitors. There have been a large number of documented cases of Iraqi interpreters being murdered, often in an especially brutal manner. Many other cases have gone undocumented, in part because of the tendency for interpreters to work under pseudonyms and even wear masks to conceal their identity, making it difficult to identify a particular victim as an interpreter. The issue of protecting interpreters came to a head in 2007 with the handover of Basra to Iraqi administration and the subsequent withdrawal of British troops. A special protection scheme was set up, whereby those who had worked for the British forces for twelve months would be eligible for resettlement in the United Kingdom. The issue, however, has remained a contentious one: many interpreters were ineligible for resettlement or did not want to move to the UK, and many of those who did accept resettlement found themselves economically disadvantaged and socially marginalized. One group of Iraqi interpreters have taken legal action against the British government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-86
Author(s):  
Louisa Perreau

As the saying goes ‘good girls go to heaven, bad girls go everywhere!’, whose origin is uncertain, sometimes attributed to American actress and screenwriter Mae West, sometimes to editor-in-chief of Cosmopolitan magazine, Helen Gurvey Brown, it was taken up as a slogan by feminists who denounce the sexual norm imposed on women by religions. At a time when the influence of religious fundamentalism on State policies seems to be gaining ground (retreat on abortion laws in the United States, in Poland; Sharia courts in Great Britain, etc.), the object of this research note will be to question the articulations between British Muslim women, State multiculturalism and legislation. In Britain, since the 1980s, a network of sharia councils has developed to resolve disputes between Muslims, including resolving family problems. Sharia councils thus reveal the place of Muslim women in the United Kingdom on the issue of divorce. Extremely patriarchal, rarely feminist, often undemocratic, the sharia councils appear as places of power. The latter are often compared to Islamic courts, so-called ‘counseling’ religious services or ‘Islamic family services’ to which Muslims wishing to respect divine law and their religious precepts go – especially women. What does this mean for British Muslim women who use these services? How is the British government responding?


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