The Political Life of the Rank and File: French Aircraft Workers During the Popular Front, 1934–38

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 13-31
Author(s):  
Herrick Chapman

Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 13-31
Author(s):  
Herrick Chapman

Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darina Vasileva

The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.


2019 ◽  
pp. 57-93
Author(s):  
Manal A. Jamal

A rich history of civic organizing in El Salvador and the Palestinian territories undergirded the mass mobilization of the 1970s and 1980s. These mobilization efforts and much of the associational life that grew out of them were responses to conflicts with long historical roots. This chapter explains the historical roles of the political-military organizations of the FLMN and PLO in mass mobilization in the two cases. It then traces the evolution of mass mobilization and associational life leading to the beginning of the conflicttopeace transition in each case, including the development of mass based women’s organizing in both cases.


2008 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wale Adebanwi

ABSTRACTThis essay examines the ‘posthumous career’ of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the late leader of the Yoruba of Nigeria. It focuses on why he has been unusually effective as a symbol in the politics of Yorubaland and Nigeria. Regarding Awolowo as a recent ancestor, the essay elaborates why death, burial and statue are useful in the analysis of the social history of, and elite politics in, Africa. The Awolowo case is used to contest secularist and modernist assumptions about ‘modernity’ and ‘rationality’ in a contemporary African society.


1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Wereszycki

The question of whether the Poles were an integrating or a disintegrating factor within the Habsburg monarchy has yet to be fully studied by Polish historians. Up to now they have concerned themselves mainly with the part played by the Austrian empire in the history of the Polish nation after the eighteenth century partitions and have overlooked the role of the Poles in the Austrian empire. They have concentrated their attention on the fate of the territories of the historic Polish state which fell under Habsburg rule and have studied the social, cultural, and political transformations which affected Galicia during the century and a half of Austrian domination. Polish historians have even studied the contributions made by former Habsburg subjects to the reconstruction of the Polish state after the dissolution of the monarchy, but they have rarely discussed the part which the Poles took in the political life of the multinational empire.


1954 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Tucker

THE death of Joseph Stalin marked the beginning of a new period in the history of the Soviet regime in Russia. It set in motion a train of events in the internal political life of the country which, for better or for worse, will alter the political personality of the Soviet regime as the world came to know it under the influence of Stalin's dominating figure. No one can yet predict with any confidence how this sequence of events will unfold in the years to come. The most that can be done at this early stage is to visualize the forces at work behind the scenes and strive to reach an informed preliminary guess about the direction or directions in which these forces are moving.That is the task of the present article. It seeks to investigate certain aspects of the post-Stalin train of events which are now themselves a part of history. Its purpose is to cast light upon some of the principal trends and issues in the internal political life of Soviet Russia since Stalin died. These trends and issues are for the most part hidden beneath the surface of Soviet public life; only occasionally, as in the Beria episode, have they erupted into full view of a perplexed and fascinated world. It is necessary, therefore, to study the submerged political realities through their indirect reflection in the public pronouncements of the controlled and official Soviet press. The central importance of the new regime‘s attitude toward Stalin and the Stalin heritage directs attention upon the changing manner in which the official propaganda has presented the image of Stalin to the Soviet people. We shall first tell the factual story of this process, tracing the steps by which Stalin‘s heirs successively dethroned him, partially restored him, and finally refashioned an entirely new Stalin image to fit their present needs. The latter part of the article attempts to interpret the political meaning of the new Stalin myth and of another new phenomenon closely associated with it, the “cult of the Party”


Author(s):  
T. Kayirken ◽  

In the article the political, economic and cultural changes that took place in the Altai area in the epoch, in which the ancient Turks lived and founded the Kaganate (V-VIII centuries BC). For this, first of all, different ethnic groups (Gaoshae, Dinlin, Togyz Oguz, Basmyl) that inhabited Altai and its surroundings on the eve of the Turkic Era, their ethnic relations with the Blue Turks, migration, and political ties were considered. At the same time, attaching great importance to the legends and stories about the origins of the development and statehood of the Blue Turks, their first Turkic Kaganate, which created the Altai Mountains Central, and its division into two wings East-West, the relations of the West Turkic Kaganate and East Turkic Kaganate with the Tang empire were investigated. The geopolitical position of the Altai region in these historical processes is reflected. This is due to the fact that the Altai region plays a leading role in world historical processes. Three great empires that had an active influence on world history were first established in Altai and were widely spread from it. They are the empires of the Huns, the Blue Turks and the Genghis Khan. It is certainly no coincidence that all these empires could become the mainstay of Altai and influence the world. The article stresses the role and place of the Altai in the spiritual life of Turkic peoples, especially its paramount importance, by a careful examination of various situations characteristic only of the Turkic epoch. The first part deals with the role of Altai in a historical stage of Türks. For the first time it is analyzed as a unified historical and geographical region in the northeastern part of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang province of the PRC), where Bogd, Bayt and Altai mountains, Altai and Mountain Altai, as well as Sayan and Oypsei lowlands are located. This is the Altai area that we are constantly talking about. The article reveals the spiritual, economic and political role of the Altai Mountains in the formation of the state and their influence on the outside world and the prosperity of the Turks in the centre of this immense expanse. To that end great importance was attached to historical and geographical signs reflected in the legends about the origin of Türks, recorded in such historical sources of China as «The History of northern khanates», «The book of Chzhou», and «The book of Sui». All these data testify that ancient Türks inhabited in the subsequent half of V century BC from Northern foothills of Gaochan (Idikut) up to the Altai Mountains and its suburbs. So what were the earlier names and where did the Turks walk? To answer that question in the second part of the article we will briefly outline the history of several ethnic groups that formed the Türks. They are Dinlin, Gaoshe, Basmyl and Togyz Oguz, who since ancient times inhabited Altai and established their state one by one. Their entry onto the historical scene, interrelationship, migration, and cultural and economic development in chronological order are investigated in the article. The third section was devoted to the study of political events that took place in Altai during the time of the Turkic Kaganate. In the middle of VI century, the Turks grew out of the Telians that inhabited Altai. They were the Sueyantuo (xueyantuo), Dieleer (Dieleer), Shipan (Shipan), and Daqi (Daqi), inhabiting southwest of the Altai Mountains among 41 tribes stretching widely from Lake Baikal to the river Volga, in the south to the Jetkabyga (northern foothills of Tien Shan), which are mentioned in the «Book of Sui». In 546 other tribes of the Teli, who captured Oguzes, united and went on the offensive against Juzhans. The Tyumen Kagan started the subjugated Teli tribes, ruined them on the road, and took over 50 thousand rubles. From that moment their force increased. The article also emphasized that during the Türkic Kaganate Altai was a centre, and then a border of the Eastern and Western Türkic Kaganates, and the events that took place there affected each side. At the same time the major events that took place in Altai and influenced the political life of Western and Eastern Turkic Khaganates have been considered.


Author(s):  
Namig MAMMADOV

This article examines and analyzes the history of the formation and development of the National Outlook Movement in Turkey, its ideology and social base and the main driving forces, as well as the main political parties and their activities. The article also analyzes the historical circumstances that influenced the formation and development of the movement, including the role of the movement's leader, prominent scientist and researcher, professor Najmeddin Erbakan, as well as the reasons for his entry into the political arena and its consequences. The role of N. Erbakan in the political life of Turkey was investigated and tried to be evaluated. It was noted that, the main ideology of the National Outlook parties is a free market economy without interest, the strengthening of production, the establishment of a just society in which basic human rights are protected, and so on.The first openly political Islamist political party in Turkish history was the National Order Party, formed on January 30, 1970. However, the party did not last long and was closed in 1971 by a decision of the Constitutional Court. Instead, party representatives formed the National Salvation Party in October 1972. This party, like all other political parties in Turkey, was closed after the 1980 coup. However, it became a partner of the government for the first time, and one of the most important decisions of this government was send of Turkish forces to Cyprus.With the permission of the National Security Council, the Welfare Party (WP) was formed in 1983 under the leadership of Ahmet Tekdal, representing the same direction. After the lifting of political bans, N. Erbakan was re-elected party leader. The 1990s marked a new stage in the development of the National Outlook movement. The Welfare Party's reputation began to rise. In the 1995 elections, the party won 21 percent of the vote. In 1996, N. Erbakan formed a coalition government with the True Path Party, led by Tansu Chiller. This government resigned as a result of the February 28 process, and the party was dissolved. The members of the party formed the Virtue Party. Disagreements between innovative and conservative groups within the party led to the formation of two political parties, the Justice and Development Party and the Felicity Party, after the party was dissolved in 2001.


Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
E. Е. Urazbaev ◽  
E. N. Yamalova

This article investigates the Popular Front of Latvia, a public ethnopolitical movement that substantially contributed to the independence of the modern Republic of Latvia. The study aims to identify how much the movement influenced the development of ethnic nationalism, which has become essential to statehood and the identification of politics. It continues to reinforce group inequality in this multiethnic country. The article describes the background and main landmarks of the movement. Content analysis of manifestos has been carried out to trace changes in the Popular Front’s ideological vision. It is shown that the shift in priorities that took place during the 1988—1991 struggle for Latvia’s political and economic independence led to a non-democratic political regime. Particular attention is paid to the movement’s proposals concerning the principles of statehood restoration and citizenship acquisition as well as to approaches to solving ethnic problems. The focus is on why and under what circumstances the Popular Front dissolved itself and the supra-ethnic opposition, its main rivals, left the political scene. It is argued that the Popular Front of Latvia created conditions both for the titular nation taking precedence over other ethnic groups and for the exclusion of one-third of the country’s resident population from political life. It is concluded that, as the movement transformed and gradually abandoned its democratic principles, it became the main vehicle for the institutionalisation of ethnic nationalism in Latvia.


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