Spaniards on the Silver Roll: Labor Troubles and Liminality in the Panama Canal Zone, 1904–1914

2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 78-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Greene

This article examines the experiences of Spanish workers during the construction of the Panama Canal by the United States from 1904 to 1914. Spaniards engaged in a wide range of protest actions during the construction years, from strikes to food riots to anarchist politics. Employing Victor Turner's concept of liminality, the article highlights the mutability of the Spaniards' position and identity and examines several factors that shaped their experiences: the US government's policies of racial segregation and the injustices Spaniards experienced; the political and racial identities they brought with them from Spain; and their complex racial and imperial status in the Canal Zone. Spaniards possessed a remarkably fluid racial identity, considered white or nonwhite depending on circumstances, and that shifting status fueled their racial animosities as well as their protests.

2019 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 79-102
Author(s):  
Benjamin D. Weber

AbstractThis article follows the “convict clause” in the Thirteenth Amendment to the US Constitution – the exception for slavery and involuntary servitude to continue as punishment for crime – to the Panamá Canal Zone. It argues that US officials used the prison system not only to extract labor, but to structure racial hierarchy and justify expansionist claims to jurisdiction and sovereignty. It reveals how despite the purported “usefulness” of the Black bodies conscripted in this brutal labor regime, the prison system's operational modality was racial and gendered violence which exceeded the registers of political economy, penology, and state-building in which that usefulness was framed. The Canal Zone convict road building scheme then became a cornerstone from which Good Roads Movement boosters, who claimed the convict was a slave of the state, could push for the Pan-American Highway across the hemisphere. Afro-Panamanian and Caribbean workers, who were the majority of those forced into Canal Zone chain gangs, protested the racism and imperialism of the prison system by blending anti-colonial and anti-racist strategies and deploying a positive notion of blackness as solidarity and race pride. Their efforts and insight offer an understanding of the US carceral state's imperial dimensions as well as enduring lessons for movements struggling to broaden the meaning and experience of freedom in the face of slavery's recurrent afterlives.


2018 ◽  
pp. 90-130
Author(s):  
Thomas Tunstall Allcock

Chapter 3 studies Johnson’s and Mann’s handling of Latin American policy in the first full year of the new administration. Beginning with a major international crisis in the Panama Canal Zone in January, the year 1964 was a challenging one that would also see military coups in Brazil and Bolivia, Mann’s attempts to reshape Alliance bureaucracy, and former Kennedy aides continually challenging the legitimacy of Johnson’s leadership and Mann’s liberal credentials. Particular attention is given to the skillful manner in which the Panamanian crisis was resolved and the improvements in the performance of the Alliance for Progress, challenging standard interpretations of Johnson’s diplomatic abilities. The controversy of the Brazilian coup is not overlooked, with the complex relationship between the Brazilian military, the US ambassador in Brasilia, and State Department and National Security Council officials in Washington representative of the increasingly problematic and intertwined nature of security and development goals.


Author(s):  
Heather McCrea

This essay highlights the critical contributions of the Sisters of Charity throughout the French construction of the Panama Canal between 1880 and 1904 and American-trained nurses during the US canal-building until 1914. The Sisters of Charity mended hundreds of thousands of injured and ill immigrant laborers in the Zone. Still, when American-trained nurses arrived in 1904, the nurses found themselves in conflict with the Daughters of Charity, who refused to vacate the hospital they helped found. I argue, self-aggrandizing stories of male accomplishments in the Panama Canal Zone subordinated female participation in one of the largest engineering feats undertaken in modern history. On the front-lines, female caretakers in the Zone understood the risks they faced with a population of transient engineers, scientists, tourists, and entrepreneurs. Even with a limited amount of power, the Sisters of Charity and US nurses made demands of their superiors based on dangers associated with living and working in a “tropical” region. Aware of their power –albeit limited– US nurses developed strategies for survival in the isthmus to protect themselves with limited access to medical supplies and funds. No matter how small the power nuns and nurses exercised in the Zone, many of their male superiors worried. They worried; what if nurses wanted more pay? What if they refused to work or left? US nurses also fell victim to prevailing stereotypes centered on what “type” of a woman left her home and family to live in the “wilds” of Central America? In US print media, popularized perceptions about nurses abroad came steeped in eugenic-inspired views of gender roles and “fitness.” Did nurses in the Canal Zone push gender norms in ways not possible in the US? Furthermore, how did US Canal Zone employees and administrators view nurses? With respect? Ridicule? Have only contemporaries recognized nuns and nurses women for their hard work? Were US Zone nurses valued as heroines throughout the construction of the canal? Or were they only heralded as heroines well after canal construction ended?


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

India’s relationship with the United States remains crucial to its own objectives, but is also ambiguous. The asymmetry of power between the two countries is such that the relationship, if potentially useful, is not necessary for the United States while potentially risky for India. Moreover, the shift of the political centre of gravity of Asia — resulting from the growing rivalry between China and the US — is eroding the foundations of India’s policy in Asia, while prospects for greater economic interaction is limited by India’s slow pace of reforms. The future of India-US relations lies in their capacity to evolve a new quid pro quo in which the US will formulate its expectations in more realistic terms while India would assume a larger share of the burden of Asia’ security.


Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (10) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Martha Bennett Stiles

Seventy-three years ago the U.S. connived in the secession of the Republic of Panama from Colombia in return for the privilege of building a canal across the Panamanian Isthmus "on a strip of land leased in perpetuity." Within this 533-square-mile zone the U.S. was to exercise, forever, all those rights that it "would possess and exercise if it were the sovereign of the territory..." Today the significance of that "if" is much debated.Although Ronald Reagan's campaign position—that the Panama Canal Zone is as much a part of the U.S. as is Alaska—has been deplored by the Ford Administration, it maintains strong support in the Senate.


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