Revolution and integration in Soviet international diplomacy, 1917–1991

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN WHITE ◽  
STEPHEN REVELL
Keyword(s):  
International System ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
International Diplomacy ◽  
Cooperative Relationship

In spite of its initial rejection of the international system, the USSR became increasingly involved in diplomatic relations with the other—largely capitalist—powers. The intensity of diplomatic activity increased from the Khrushchev years, not only in relation to other states but also to international bodies and conventions. There was a comparable change, in the later wartime years and under Khrushchev, in the proportion of foreign states with which the USSR sustained relations; by the end of the Soviet period, in 1991, there were diplomatic relations with 85 per cent of the members of the international community. This evidence supports the thesis that outcast states will tend to become ‘socialised’ into a more cooperative relationship with their counterparts; it also suggests that the USSR had become a largely ‘normal’ participant in the international system before the end of communist rule.

SCOTT PEGG, International Society and the De Facto State (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate Publishers, 1988).

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-470
Author(s):  
MONTE PALMER
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Society ◽  
International System ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Substantial Control

The objective of Scott Pegg's book is to examine the role of the de facto state in the international system. The book begins with a description of quasi-states, entities defined as ineffective states that possess internationally recognized sovereignty as indicated by membership in the United Nations. The de facto state, by contrast, is a political movement that possesses substantial control over a specified territory and population but lacks recognition of its sovereignty by the international community. As expressed by Pegg, “The quasi-state is legitimate no matter how ineffective it is. . . . The de facto state, on the other hand, is a functioning reality that is denied legitimacy by the rest of international society” (p. 5).

Analysis (Hans Morgenthau) to the concept of power and applied to the units of the international system

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 138
Author(s):  
Saif Nasrat Tawfiq Al - Haramazi
Keyword(s):  
Applied Sciences ◽  
International System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Basic Requirement ◽  
The Core ◽  
Hans Morgenthau

The theoretical curriculum in all disciplines is a basic requirement that nourishes the minds of the intellectual and cognitive recipients in the various scientific and cognitive stages. This is the framework that distinguishes the academic understanding of the anarchic, which is one of the most important and important keys in thinking and success in that jurisdiction or field, , Because it is unreasonable and logical to get into the core of any subject without searching and searching for its intellectual and historical bases to find out the reasons and reasons that surrounded this idea which was later recognized as an important contribution to the field of human sciences. Applied Sciences and other from the other side.

scholarly journals Representation of an Unrecognized State under International Law – Example of the Republic of Artsakh

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Stefania Kolarz
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Representative ◽  
The Core ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Republic

Since the late 80s, the Armenian inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh, a region situated within the internationally recognised borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan, have been struggling for creating their own state – the Republic of Artsakh. The fact that this self-proclaimed entity was not recognised by any of the international actors has not prevented it from constantly committing to intervene on the international plane, separately from Yerevan and Baku. For instance, it is the co-signatory of the Bishkek Protocol. On the other hand, it was refused participation in the core undertaking of the international community designed to settle the dispute – the OSCE Minsk process. The aforementioned situation raises the question as to who shall act as a legal representative of this quasi-state on the international plane? Azerbaijan, as the official centre of authority within the region, Armenia, or rather the separatist government of Nagorno-Karabakh?

scholarly journals Is It Time for the Beaver to Hop off the Eagle? A Case for Canada to Reconsider Its Geopolitical Alignment with the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Zhou
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International System ◽  
Economic Cost ◽  
The United States ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
International Diplomacy

Canada is known for its close relations with the United States in the domains of economic affairs, defence and international diplomacy. This arrangement, however, was a product of the great changes brought about by the Second World War. The combination of British decline, Ottawa’s desire to achieve full independence from London, and the looming Soviet threat during the Cold War created a political environment in which Canada had to become closely integrated with the United States both militarily and economically. Canada did so to ensure its survival in the international system. With the exception of a few controversial issues like US involvement in Vietnam (1955) and Iraq (2003) as well as Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD), Ottawa has been Washington’s closest ally since 1945. On numerous occasions like the Korean War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and as recently as the War in Afghanistan and the War Against IS (Islamic State), Canada had provided staunch military and diplomatic support to Washington in its engagements around the globe. In an era of relative peace, stability, and certainty, particularly during the Post-Cold War period and the height of American power from 1991 to 2008, this geopolitical arrangement of continental integration had greatly benefited Canada. This era of benefits, however, is arguably drawing to a close. The Great Recession of 2007-09, the situations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the insistence on pursuing a foreign policy of global primacy despite its significant economic cost, are sending the US down an uncertain path. Due to its close relations and geographical proximity with the US, Canada now faces a hostile international environment that is filled with uncertainty as a result of superpower decline, great power rivalries, environmental degradation, and failed US interventions.

scholarly journals THE US’ CONTAINMENT STRATEGY AGAINST CHINA AND ITS IMPACT ON THE US-CHINA RELATIONS AT INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM LEVEL

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Ngoc Anh
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
International System ◽  
The Other ◽  
System Level ◽  
Territorial Sovereignty ◽  
The Us ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
Containment Strategy ◽  
The Rise Of China

The article analyzes the US’ containment strategy against China at international system level, including the reason, main actions, and impact of this strategy on the US-China relations. The article supposes the main reason for making the strategy is the US’ desire to preserve her hegemony over the rise of China. The strategy consists of five main moves: economic restraint, technology restraint, restraint of territorial sovereignty ambition, assault on soft power, military deterrence, and prevention of coalition alliances. These moves will make the US-China relationship increasingly tense. However, except for the excess of the limit of restraining territorial sovereignty ambition, especially related to Taiwan, the other moves may make the US-China relations tense, but will not drive these two countries to war.

Islam, Islamic Law and Constitution Making: International and Domestic Engagement in the Constitution-Making Process in Afghanistan

MAZAHIB ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Rofii
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One ◽  
Constitution Making

The making of the 2004 Constitution was a significant moment amidst the continuing conflicts in Afghanistan. It was an attempt to transform differences and conflicts into a shared agenda for the future of the country. The process of constitution-making in Afghanistan was marked by intense negotiations between the international community and actors, on the one hand, and domestic actors, on the other. The outcome would be called a “win-win solution”. This essay focuses on the making of the Islam-related clauses: How was the public participation? How has the negotiation been undertaken? What was the result and why? This essay is an attempt to answer those questions. It will argue that the process of constitution-making in Afghanistan particularly with regard to the Islam clauses is the acts of negotiations between different competing actors. The Constitution is the product of negotiations not only between international and domestic actors, but also between domestic actors. As evident in the making of the Islam clauses, these negotiations might be characterized as between puritan Islamist and more moderate Muslim actors.Pembuatan Konstitusi Afghanistan tahun 2004 adalah momen penting di tengah konflik yang terus berkecamuk. Ia merupakan upaya untuk mentranformasi perbedaan dan konflik menjadi agenda bersama bagi masa depan negeri ini. Proses pembuatan konstitusi Afghanistan ditandai oleh negosiasi yang intens antara masyarakat dan aktor-aktor international di satu sisi, dan aktor-aktor domestik di sisi lain. Hasilnya dapat disebut ‘win-win solution’. Tulisan ini fokus pada pembuatan klausul-klausul Islam: Bagaimana partisipasi publiknya? Bagaimana negosiasi dilakukan? Apa hasil dan mengapa? Tulisan ini adalah upaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut. Ia akan beragumen bahwa proses pembuatan Konstitusi di Afghanistan khususnya terkait dengan klausul-klausul Islam merupakan tindakan negosiasi antara aktor-aktor yang berbeda. Konstitusi Afghanistan tidak saja merupakan produk negosiasi antara aktor-aktor internasional dan domestik, tetapi juga di antara aktor-aktor domestik itu sendiri. Sebagaimana terbukti dari pembuatan klausul-klausul Islam, negosiasi-negosiasi tersebut dapat dikarakteristikan sebagai negosiasi antara aktor puritan Islamis and aktor yang lebih moderat.

The Theme of Repatriation of Jews from the USSR in the Soviet Media as a Manifestation of Media Propaganda in the 1970s (the Сase of the Izvestiya)

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
Strovsky Dmitry L. ◽  
◽  
Antoshin Alexey V. ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Editorial Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
Soviet Ideology ◽  
Empirical Material

This article analyzes the substantive approaches used by the Soviet press when reflecting the topic of the repatriation of Jews from the USSR to Israel in the 1970s. This period is of particular importance in the course of studying information propaganda as an independent socio-political activity aimed at the formation of a certain type of mass consciousness. During this period, information propaganda of the Soviet mass media was perceived as an essential basis for strengthening ideological and political positions of the Soviet Union by leveling the complexities of its daily life. The study of how exactly these media promoted the topic of repatriation seems to be new in the study of the information space. The disclosure of this topic through the use of extensive empirical material enables to see the patterns of development of this space at the final stage of the Soviet period, which in turn, determines the relevance of the study in modern conditions, when manipulative priorities anew have become noticeable in the practice of the Russian media. The authors envisage the editorial policy of such an influential central newspaper as Izvestia. This publication, like all the other Soviet media, was attached to propaganda priorities, which predetermined manipulative approaches when covering the topic of repatriation. In order to determine the main trends of manipulative influence, we used structural-functional and systemic methods, as well as a method of content analysis, which together afford to see the patterns of development of the Soviet print media in the disclosure of the topic presented in the title of this article. The results of the research are not only theoretically but practically oriented, since they provide understanding of effective methods of influencing the audience and using them in everyday media practice. Keywords: media, Soviet ideology, propaganda, manipulation, class approach, Zionism, Jews

Part 1 Refugees, 2 Refugees Defined and Described

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goodwin-Gill Guy S ◽  
McAdam Jane ◽  
Dunlop Emma
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Refugee Status ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Local Protection ◽  
Ordinary Usage ◽  
The One ◽  
Prompt Response

This chapter defines and describes refugees. The term ‘refugee’ is a term of art, that is, a term with a content verifiable according to principles of general international law. In ordinary usage, it has a broader, looser meaning, signifying someone in flight, who seeks to escape conditions or personal circumstances found to be intolerable. For the purposes of international law, States have further limited the concept of the refugee. Defining refugees may appear an unworthy exercise in legalism and semantics, obstructing a prompt response to the needs of people in distress. On the one hand, States have nevertheless insisted on fairly restrictive criteria for identifying those who benefit from refugee status and asylum or local protection. On the other hand, the definition or description may facilitate and justify aid and protection, while satisfying the relevant criteria ought in practice to indicate entitlement to the pertinent rights or benefits. In determining the content in international law of the class of refugees, therefore, the traditional sources—treaties and the practice of States—must be examined, also taking into account the normative impact of the practice and procedures of the various bodies established by the international community to deal with the problems of refugees.

Aspects of Identity

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Williamson
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Ethnic Differences ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
Latin Script ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
Dayton Agreement ◽  
Republika Srpska

Amodern Example May Help to Clarify some of the issues to be discussed in this chapter. Formerly one of the six republics forming the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Bosnia- Hercegovina has since 1995’s Dayton Agreement been an uneasy international protectorate, divided into a Croat-Muslim Federation, and the Serbian ‘Republika Srpska’ (RS). Bosnia’s coinage speaks powerfully about the paradoxes of a state created through a bloody war of identity and ethnic cleansing. These two entities—the Federation and the RS— and three communities—Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian Muslim—display strong and sometimes aggrieved senses of their own individual identities, and ethnic divisions can arise over the simplest of everyday differences. For example, car registration stickers until recently identified cars as registered either in the Federation or in the RS. The International Community felt compelled to design a coinage in which ethnic differences were avoided. The currency itself is a paradox—known as the ‘Convertible Mark’ (KM), it converts to another currency, the Deutschmark, which no longer exists. But it is in the choice of iconography that the Bosnian KM is most striking; these are some of the least attractive coins ever issued, more akin to subway tokens than to genuine coinage. One side of the 1 KM coin displays the stylized shield motif of Bosnia-Hercegovina, a device approved by the International Community. The other bears the denomination and the words ‘Bosne i Hercegovina’ twice, in one language, and two alphabets, though Serbs, Muslims, and Croats might deny that the Latin script of Catholic Croatia, and the Cyrillic of Orthodox Serbia represent the same language. Aside from this need for linguistic even-handedness, no other motifs are to be found. An iconographic void appears to be the only means of compromise. What does this tell us? First, any minting authority can use coins to send an ideological and iconographical message. Coinages represent both political and economic acts. Second, coinage is in no sense an unmediated or direct guide to the ethnic identities of communities; it represents deliberate political choices made by those in control and may therefore mirror social attitudes of those not in control, attempt to modify them, or ignore them outright.

An analytical review of Ahmadinejad’s foreign policy frameworks in terms of constructivism theory

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Ali AbolAli Aghdaci
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International System ◽  
International Community ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Analytical Review ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
Special Approach ◽  
International Systems

The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the administration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, due to its importance and its not so in significant achievements, from the structuralist point of view, created a different identity and role in international relations and a special approach in relation to foreign and international systems. The author’s main question is that what impact has the foreign policy of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had in the international community? It seems that the role of domestic norms that came from the international community was damaged by internal policies due to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s policies, which, from the structuralist point of view, had a profound effect on the declining of Iranian foreign policy during the Ahmadinejad era in the international system. Direct conflict with the global system, presenting incorrect policies of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, the lack accepting common understanding minds of the international community, non-convergence in foreign policy, the adoption of irrational foreign policy, are all important factors that could undermine the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the public opinion of the international community.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document