XIX.—Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin

Archaeologia ◽  
1901 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ward

Cardiff Castle can hardly be classed with the better-known English castles, nor has its history been a particularly stirring one. Nevertheless its position in Norman and Plantagenet times was one of considerable importance, for it was the seat of the chief lords of Glamorgan, or to use the ancient and more correct term, Morganwg. Its medieval history, however, scarcely concerns the present paper, which has to do with sundry remains of an earlier period; but should its perusal demand some reference to that phase of the subject, the concise history of this castle in the late Mr. George T. Clark's Mediæval Military Architecture in England may be consulted with advantage. It is, however, necessary to bear in mind that its definite history begins with the Norman Conquest of G-went and Morganwg in the eleventh century and the immediate circumstances which led to it. Prior to this event, the light of history gives place to shadowy tradition, and archaeology becomes our only safe guide.

Zograf ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 51-75
Author(s):  
Valentina Babic

The paper discusses the structure and carved decoration of the restored marble sanctuary screen from the island of Kolocep near Dubrovnik. Based on the early medieval history of present-day southern Dalmatia and the fragmentary inscription commemorating a queen as the donor of the screen, it may be concluded that she was one of the Serbian Doclean (Duklja) queens from the second half of the eleventh century. The inscription is the only evidence that the kings of Dioclea ruled over the Elaphite islands. The carved decoration is typical of the Middle Byzantine period (9th-12th century), with some regional traits. The only exceptions are the figures of putti. They can be associated with Romanesque architectural sculpture in southern Italy created in the late eleventh century, after the Norman conquest of this region. The author puts forward the hypothesis that the donor was Queen Jaquinta, wife of King Bodin (1081-1101), who was a Norman woman from Bari.


1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharin Mack

England was conquered twice in the eleventh century: first in 1016 by Cnut the Dane and again in 1066 by William Duke of Normandy. The influence of the Norman Conquest has been the subject of scholarly warfare ever since E.A. Freeman published the first volume of his History of the Norman Conquest of England in 1867—and indeed, long before. The consequences of Cnut's conquest, on the other hand, have not been subjected to the same scrutiny. Because England was conquered twice in less than fifty years, historians have often succumbed to the temptation of comparing the two events. But since Cnut's reign is poorly documented and was followed quickly by the restoration of the house of Cerdic in the person of Edward the Confessor, such studies have tended to judge 1016 by the standards of 1066. While such comparisons are useful, they have imposed a model on Cnut's reign which has distorted the importance of the Anglo-Scandinavian period. If, however, Cnut's reign is compared with the Anglo-Saxon past rather than the Anglo-Norman future, the influence of 1016 can be more fairly assessed.


Author(s):  
James Morton

This book is a historical study of these manuscripts, exploring how and why the Greek Christians of medieval southern Italy persisted in using them so long after the end of Byzantine rule. Southern Italy was conquered by the Norman Hauteville dynasty in the late eleventh century after over 500 years of continuous Byzantine rule. At a stroke, the region’s Greek Christian inhabitants were cut off from their Orthodox compatriots in Byzantium and became subject to the spiritual and legal jurisdiction of the Roman Catholic popes. Nonetheless, they continued to follow the religious laws of the Byzantine church; out of thirty-six surviving manuscripts of Byzantine canon law produced between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, the majority date to the centuries after the Norman conquest. Part I provides an overview of the source material and the history of Italo-Greek Christianity. Part II examines the development of Italo-Greek canon law manuscripts from the last century of Byzantine rule to the late twelfth century, arguing that the Normans’ opposition to papal authority created a laissez faire atmosphere in which Greek Christians could continue to follow Byzantine religious law unchallenged. Finally, Part III analyses the papacy’s successful efforts to assert its jurisdiction over southern Italy in the later Middle Ages. While this brought about the end of Byzantine canon law as an effective legal system in the region, the Italo-Greeks still drew on their legal heritage to explain and justify their distinctive religious rites to their Latin neighbours.


PMLA ◽  
1929 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Urban T. Holmes ◽  
Maurice L. Radoff

Gröber, in his history of Romance philology, recognizes Fauchet as the man who founded the study of mediaeval French literature “soweit es die ihm zugänglichen Hss. gestatteten.” England had to wait another two hundred years till Sharon Turner did her a like service with his History of England from the Earliest Period to the Norman Conquest (1795-1805). Fauchet was also a political historian of the mediaeval period, but in this field he had an illustrious predecessor, in the person of Jean Dutillet (d. 1570), lawyer and secretary to Henry II of France. This able man was commissioned by his king to investigate the trésor des chartres; the result was a six-volume report, La France ancienne, du gouvernement des trois estats en l'ordre de la justice de France avec les changements qui sont arrivés. This is the first modern history of a mediaeval period (the Capetian dynasty), and Dutillet followed it with treatises on the Albigensian Crusade and the Gallican Church, which were published after his death. Fauchet, following in Dutillet's footsteps, but on his own initiative, took as his province the first two dynasties of France. Before taking up the subject of his library it may be well to summarize what is known of Fauchet's life and work.


1966 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 48-69
Author(s):  
R. E. Witt

For centuries after the death of Alexander the cult of the Egyptian gods, and of Isis in particular, was widespread in the Mediterranean. The fact is of considerable importance in the history of religious ideas; yet it has not received much special attention. Perhaps this is not altogether surprising. The range of the search is wide and the task daunting. The subject of Isis–Hellas is unclaimed by Egyptology. For its proper exploration the classical scholar must delve into many fields. Besides the epigraphical and numismatic evidence many literary texts have to be read. Sculpture, painting, magical amulets and papyri can all be turned to account. Some fresh approach may suddenly throw the Isiac faith into a strange light as when Merkelbach four years ago found links between its mysteries and the romantic tales by such writers as Achilles Tatius and Heliodorus. Abundant proof for the existence of the Egyptian cult on the Greek mainland and in the Aegean and Asia Minor has been brought forward by Rusch, Brady and Magie. Yet we have to bear in mind how strong it also became during the Imperial Age in Italy, as was shown years ago by Lafaye and more recendy by the Dane Alfoldi and the Vietnamese Tran Tam Tinh. No wonder then that a comprehensive and definitive work on Isis in all her countless guises (Isis Myrionymos) has still to be written.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-164
Author(s):  
Shavkat Ahmadovich Hayitov

As the centuries move from works to works, the image of the perfect king is filled and refined, and the subject of justice is deeply embedded in classical literature. The roots of a long history of justice and the rules of the rulers' relations with their citizens have been developed by each artist in accordance with the moral, social, political, educational and ideological demands of their time. In the article, Sheikh Muslihiddin Saadi's first chapter of Gulistan in the Remembrance of Kings, the first chapter of Hazrat Alisher Navoi's "Mahbubul-Qubub" entitled "In the remembrance of the righteous and the good and the good," in the eleventh century. Abu Ali Hasan bin Ali Tusi - Nizamulmulk, who lived and worked in the "Siyosatnoma" from 531 to 579 and ruled Sultan Mahmud G from the reign of 997-1030 Ghaznaviy to be a comparative analysis of the symbols of the art venues and narrations, some of the above-mentioned principles referred to reflect the image of a mature ruler (President). In place of the forty-second chapter of the Qobusnama in the Remembrance of the Kingdom and the Form of the Kingdom, it is also analyzed by Unsurul Maali Kaikovus bin bin Iskandar bin Qaboos (11th century).


1972 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitri Obolensky

The divergent views held by historians and sociologists as to what does and does not constitute nationalism will, I hope, provide me with some excuse for not attempting here a general definition of this phenomenon. Nor will I presume to adjudicate between the opinions of scholars like Hans Kohn who, confining their attention to Western Europe, will not hear of nationalism before the rise of modern states between the sixteenth and the eighteenth century, and of historians like G. G. Coulton who, after surveying the policy of the Papacy, the life of the Universities, the internal frictions in the monasteries and the history of medieval warfare, concluded that nationalism, which had been developing in Western Europe since the eleventh century, became a basic factor in European politics by the fourteenth. My paper is concerned with the medieval history of Eastern Europe: an area which I propose to define, by combining a geographical with a cultural criterion, as the group of countries which lay within the political or cultural orbit of Byzantium. The subject is vast and complex, and I can do no more than select a few topics for discussion. These I would like to present as arguments in support of three theses.


Author(s):  
Emily A. Winkler

It has long been established that the crisis of 1066 generated a florescence of historical writing in the first half of the twelfth century. This book presents a new perspective on previously unqueried matters: it investigates how historians’ individual motivations and assumptions produced changes in the kind of history written across the Conquest. It argues that responses to the Danish Conquest of 1016 and Norman Conquest of 1066 changed dramatically within two generations of the latter conquest. Repeated conquest could signal repeated failures and sin across the orders of society, yet early twelfth-century historians in England not only extract English kings and people from a history of failure, but also establish English kingship as a worthy office on a European scale. The book illuminates the consistent historical agendas of four historians: William of Malmesbury, Henry of Huntingdon, John of Worcester, and Geffrei Gaimar. In their narratives of England’s eleventh-century history, these twelfth-century historians expanded their approach to historical explanation to include individual responsibility and accountability within a framework of providential history, making substantial departures from their sources. These historians share a view of royal responsibility independent both of their sources (primarily the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle) and any political agenda that placed English and Norman allegiances in opposition. Although the accounts diverge widely in the interpretation of character, all four are concerned more with the effectiveness of England’s kings than with the legitimacy of their origins. Their new, shared view of royal responsibility represents a distinct phenomenon in England’s twelfth-century historiography.


1993 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 93-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Morris

The First Crusade was an important episode in the history of martyrdom. While some of the crusaders were martyrs in the old style, giving up their lives rather than renounce Christ, the expedition established in the consciousness of Western Europeans the idea of a new route to the status of martyr, which could be earned by those who fell in battle against the unbeliever, righting for Christ and for his people. From this time onwards crusading preachers regularly offered the stole of martyrdom to those who served in Palestine, Spain, and elsewhere, in the war against the Muslims. It is not surprising that recent historians, in particular Jonathan Riley-Smith, John Cowdrey, and Jean Flori, have given close attention to the establishment of this new model of martyr in the closing years of the eleventh century. It may seem that there is little more to add on the subject, but the development is so significant in the context of our present conference that it may be worth while to return to this well-trodden battlefield. What I want to do in this paper is to examine the foundation of this new style of martyrdom in the thinking of earlier centuries, and then to look once more at its impact upon the early stages of the Crusade itself.


1957 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Douglas

The quality of the Norman impact upon England in the eleventh century has occupied the attention of generations of historians. Nevertheless it is hoped that some adequate apology may be found for the subject of this paper. Certainly, however, the topic I have chosen calls for strict delimitation. No attempt is made here to reopen the time honoured comparison between the Norman and Old English Churches in the earlier half of the eleventh century. Indeed I wish wholly to avoid that controversial theme—and for a particular reason. Most of those who have been concerned to emphasize the importance of the Norman Church at this period have concentrated their attention—and obviously rightly—on the monastic revival which swept through the Norman Duchy at this time. Perhaps, however, the Norman bishops of this period also merit some particular attention. For these men, put properly into the shade by their monastic contemporaries, have had a very bad press from historians. Doubtless, they deserved it. Nevertheless, it might be to the advantage of Anglo-Norman studies if the Norman episcopate between 1035 and 1066 were to be studied a little more fully for its own sake. At all events, these bishops and their work form the restricted subject of this very tentative discourse.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document