Resisting the Revolution: Heiner Müller's Hamlet/Machine at the Deutsches Theater, Berlin, March 1990

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID BARNETT

Heiner Müller directed Shakespeare's Hamlet together with his own The Hamletmachine as Hamlet/Machine in March 1990 at the Deutsches Theater, East Berlin. This article investigates the production's conception, its rehearsal and its execution against the backdrop of the fall of the Wall. Müller, a playwright whose dramaturgies actively resist reductive interpretation, sought to put Hamlet/Machine beyond the reach of an allegorical reading. Strategies in acting, staging and design were adopted to frustrate the ease with which Hamlet could have merely illustrated the historical changes taking place outside the theatre. On the other hand, Müller was also making theatre for his fellow GDR citizens and had to take account of their experiences, too. His political theatre relied on the combination of contradictory signs in performance that would activate the audience, forcing a confrontation with the material on stage on its own terms. Such an aspiration was, almost inevitably, revealed as utopian but was in Müller's view the only way for the theatre to challenge its immediate historical context.

1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Mouck

A Kuhnian perspective is used to explain the transition in financial reporting theory from an “economic income perspective” to an “informational perspective” (a transition that Beaver refers to as a “revolution”), and to examine the subsequent development of the latter. The demise of the economic income perspective (represented by the normative a priorists) is attributed to the lack of a paradigm which could serve to identify research problems and provide methodological guidance. The success of the informational paradigm, on the other hand, is attributed to the fact that it was, in essence, a sub-paradigm of the broader and well-established market economics paradigm. The study concludes, however, with a discussion of two types of persistent anomalous findings (the first with respect to the EMH and the second with respect to the CAPM) that have the potential to generate a crisis for the informational paradigm.


Author(s):  
Matthias Albani

The monotheistic confession in Isa 40–48 is best understood against the historical context of Israel’s political and religious crisis situation in the final years of Neo-Babylonian rule. According to Deutero-Isaiah, Yhwh is unique and incomparable because he alone truly predicts the “future” (Isa 41:22–29)—currently the triumph of Cyrus—which will lead to Israel’s liberation from Babylonian captivity (Isa 45). This prediction is directed against the Babylonian deities’ claim to possess the power of destiny and the future, predominantly against Bel-Marduk, to whom both Nabonidus and his opponents appeal in their various political assertions regarding Cyrus. According to the Babylonian conviction, Bel-Marduk has the universal divine power, who, on the one hand, directs the course of the stars and thus determines the astral omens and, on the other hand, directs the course of history (cf. Cyrus Cylinder). As an antithesis, however, Deutero-Isaiah proclaims Yhwh as the sovereign divine creator and leader of the courses of the stars in heaven as well as the course of history on earth (Isa 45:12–13). Moreover, the conflict between Nabonidus and the Marduk priesthood over the question of the highest divine power (Sîn versus Marduk) may have had a kind of “catalytic” function in Deutero-Isaiah’s formulation of the monotheistic confession.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
Vlad-Cristian SOARE ◽  

"The fundamental transformations through the Romanian state passed since the Revolution of December 1989, have also put their mark on the legal system. For this reason, there have been major changes in the content of administrative law. However, the regulation of the territorial-administrative subdivisions survived the change of political regime, due to Law 2/1968. Moreover, regulations on administrative-territorial subdivisions are also found in Law 215/2001 and in the 1991 Constitution, revised in 2003. This has led to problems of interpretation. Thus, on the one hand, we need to identify who has the right to constitute administrative-territorial subdivisions, and on the other hand, it must be seen whether the answer to the first question, leads to a possible interpretation that would be unconstitutional. At the same time, administrative-territorial subdivisions have created problems of interpretation regarding their legal capacity. Through this article, we have proposed to look at the issues mentioned above."


2013 ◽  
pp. 241-264
Author(s):  
Ignacio Del Valle Dávila

Resumo No final dos anos sessenta, ocorreu uma eclosão do cinema folclórico-histórico na Argentina e em Cuba. No primeiro caso, isso se deu principalmente devido ao interesse da ditadura de Onganía em utilizar os mitos fundadores da nação como uma metáfora legitimadora do regime. Contrários a essa tendência, o Grupo Cine Liberación elaborou representações desses relatos que buscavam adaptá-los à contingência, especialmente nos filmes La hora de los hornos (1968) e Los hijos del Fierro (1976). Em Cuba, o centenário da Guerra Grande (1868-1878) e a maior rigidez ideológica em matéria cultural durante o Quinquênio Gris (1971-1976) levaram a que se fomentasse a produção de um cinema histórico que representava a Revolução de 1959 como o produto de um século de luta. Os cineastas cubanos e Cine Liberación coincidiram em sua busca por renovar a forma de representação cinematográfica da História, enquanto o cinema comercial argentino apostou em adaptações distantes desse revisionismo. Résumé À la fin des années soixante s’est produit en Argentine et Cuba une éclosion du cinéma folklorique-historique. Dans le premier cas, ceci est dû principalement à l’intérêt de la dictature d’Onganía à se servir des mythes fondateurs de la nation avec l’objectif d’élaborer des métaphores légitimatrices du régime. Face à cela, Grupo Cine Liberación a élaboré des représentations de ces récits tout en cherchant à les adapter à la contingence, notamment dans les films L’heure des brasiers (1968) et Les fils de Fierro (1976). À Cuba le centenaire de la Guerre des dix ans (1968-1878) ainsi qu’une plus grande rigidité idéologique dans le domaine culturel pendant le Quinquennat Gris (1971-1976), ont conduit à l’encouragement de la production d’un cinéma historique où la révolution de 1959 est représentée comme la conclusion d’un siècle de lutte. Les cinéastes cubains et Cine Liberación ont partagé leur intérêt de renouveler les représentations cinématographiques de l’Histoire, tandis que le cinéma commercial argentin a misé sur des adaptations éloignées du révisionnisme.Abstract At the end of the sixties, there was a growth of historical-folkloric cinema in Argentina and Cuba. In the first case, it happened mainly because of the interest of the Onganía’s dictatorship in making use of the nation’s founding myths to develop metaphors to legitimize this regime. On the other hand, Grupo Cine Liberación elaborated representations of these narratives trying to adapt them to the contingency, especially in the movies The hour of the furnaces (1968) and Los hijos del Fierro (1976). In Cuba, the centenary of the War of ten years (1868-1878), as well as an increase of ideological rigidity in the cultural domain during the Grey Quinquennium (1971-1976), encouraged the production of a historical cinema where the revolution of 1959 has been represented as the conclusion of a century of struggle. Cuban filmmakers and Cine Liberación shared their interest in renewing the filmic representations of History, whereas the Argentinean commercial cinema supported adaptations far from this revisionism.Palavras-chave Cinema histórico, legitimação, mitos nacionais Mots-clés Cinéma historique, légitimation, mythes nationauxKeywords Historical cinema, legitimization, national myths 


2021 ◽  
pp. 155-182
Author(s):  
Faith Hillis

This chapter examines the ways in which Bolshevism was shaped by the émigré milieu. On the one hand, the chapter treats Lenin’s new movement as a response to the failures of émigré politics. On the other hand, the early Bolsheviks continued the august émigré tradition of living the revolution and depended on the unique space of the colonies as well as the encounters that they generated to define their new revolutionary program. Although the emergence of Bolshevism infused émigré society with new energy, it also intensified its discontents. The Bolsheviks’ polemical stance on the so-called Jewish question proved particularly destructive.


2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 278-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel P. Veldsman

AbstractThe more recently proposed epistemological models (cf Gregersen & Van Huyssteen, eds., Rethinking Theology and Science: Six Models for the Current Dialogue) within the context of the science and religion debate, have opened up galaxie,s of meanirzg on the interface of the debates which are inviting for exploralive, theological travelling. But how are we epistemologically to judge not only oui journets but also the rethinking of the implications of these epistemological models for our understanding of religious experience and our experience of transcendence? The interdisciplinary space that has been opened up in an exciting post-foundational manner zuithirz these very debates, leaves us as rational persons, embedded in a very specific social and historical context, with the haunting cognitive pluralist question on how to reach beyond the limits of our own epistemic traditions (Wentzel van Huyssteen). This question is pursued as an effort on the one hand to unmask epistemic arrogance and, on the other hand, not to take refuge in the insular comfort of internally closed language-systems. It is an effort to address relativism and a 'twentieth-century despair of any knozuledye of reality' (Polkinghorne). It is finally an effort to conceptually revisit the implications of tltese models for our understanding of our culturally embedded religious experience.


1951 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
J. J. Chevallier

“Mirabeau and Sieyès are the two strongest minds of the Revolution,” said Talleyrand who knew both of them well. This is no doubt true. It is likewise true that Mirabeau and Sieyes were at opposite poles from each other intellectually. Sieyès was a political theorist; they called him the brain. Mirabeau, on the other hand, was the least theoretical of men. When the Estates General opened he had no draft of a Constitution; Sieyès, on the other hand, had thought of one and even several.For the whole course of the Revolution until his death in April, 1791, Mirabeau cannot be described by an invariable formula. He cannot be classified in the pro-English school. He wrote to a minister before the Revolution: “the executive life” suited him better than “the speculative life.” Sieyès, and even Mounier, would have been wonderful professors of Constitutional Law. Not Mirabeau. His culture was enormous but disorganized. An omnivorous reader and always with pen in hand, he had made innumerable excerpts from all sorts of books, and drew upon them with no scruples about plagiarism when he wrote his own works. One must be careful to avoid the temptation, to which some have succumbed, of seeing in these plagiarisms the expression of Mirabeau's own ideas.


PMLA ◽  
1934 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1116-1128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Don M. Wolfe

Though Milton and Mirabeau were devoted to almost identical ideals of civil liberty, their personalities offer a peculiar contrast. Milton was an idealist, a theorist, a poet; he was abstemious in food and drink, inclined to seclusion, religious by nature. Mirabeau, on the other hand, was a soldier, an orator, a political leader. Whereas Milton was thoughtful and reserved, Mirabeau was animated, impulsive, ever seeking the center of action, forever restless and impatient. Sensual and gluttonous, he was as much a slave to his passions as any of the Englishmen Milton condemned for being so; and in his last moments he turned away, more in kindness than in derision, the priest who sought to shrive him. Notwithstanding these essential differences, Mirabeau found in Milton a kindred spirit; he found in him that flaming love of liberty, that passion for essential freedoms, that lofty and unselfish devotion to country to which he himself aspired. Milton's influence on Mirabeau, many times suggested but never evaluated, is one of significant interest to students of Milton's politics. A close study of two Mirabeau tracts, Théorie de la Royauté après la Doctrine de Milton and De la liberté de la Presse, reveals not only that Mirabeau's reading of Milton strikingly verified his own political conclusions: it presents evidence that Milton's voice at a critical period of the Revolution became the weapon of its most powerful leader. French cries for liberty found expression in the tracts of the Puritan poet.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Romuald Rydz

1 listopada 1790 r. w Londynie został opublikowany jeden z najważniejszych tek­stów osiemnastowiecznej brytyjskiej myśli politycznej. Autorem dzieła znanego pod skróconym ty­tułem jako Rozważania o rewolucji we Francji był Edmund Burke — jeden z najbardziej znanych wigowskich posłów zasiadających w Izbie Gmin. Choć Burke w Rozważaniach występował przede wszystkim jako obrońca brytyjskiego porządku i zwyczaju politycznego, to zarówno w tym dziele, jak i wielu następnych tekstach można zauważyć, że przedmiotem jego troski była także wspólnota europejska. Wydaje się, że autor Rozważań jako je­den z pierwszych przedstawicieli ówczesnego świata polityki dostrzegł w rewolucyjnej gorączce roz­przestrzeniającej się z Paryża groźbę dla całej Europy. Owo niebezpieczeństwo Burke porównywał, z jednej strony, do fali barbarzyństwa, która zalała Rzym i zniszczyła cywilizację antyczną w okresie wędrówki ludów, z drugiej zaś — przypisywał mu cechy rewolucji religijnej, podobnej do tej, któ-ra podzieliła kontynent w XVI i XVII stuleciu. Było to więc w jego opinii podwójne zagrożenie, które mogło zniszczyć zarówno podstawy materialne Europy, jak i jej kościec kulturowy.A counter-revolutionary idea of Europe. Edmund Burke’s reflections on European identityOn 1st November 1790, one of the most important texts of the 18th century British political thought was published in London. The author of the work, known under the shortened title as Reflections on the Revolution in France, was Edmund Burke, one of the best-known Whigs sitting in the House of Commons. Although in Reflections Burke was above all a defender of the British order and political custom, it can be noticed, both in this work and many subsequent texts, that he was also concerned for Euro­pean community. It seems that the author of Reflections was among the first representatives of the world of politics at that time who viewed the revolutionary fever that was spreading from Paris as a threat to the whole Europe. Burke compared this danger, on the one hand, to the Barbarian wave that had flooded Rome and destroyed the antique civilisation in the Migrations Period, while on the other hand he ascribed it characteristics of a religious revolution, similar to the one that divided the continent in the 16th and 17th centuries. Thus, it was, in his opinion, a double threat. It could destroy both the material foundations of Europe and its cultural core.


1991 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-258
Author(s):  
J. W. Hofmeyr

A consultation amongst consultations: The historical context of the Cottesloe Church Consultation reconsidered At the time of writing it happens to be thirty years since the well known Cottesloe Church Consultation took place. On the other hand the November 1990 consultation of a wide variety of South African churches appears strongly in the focal point. In this article the socio-political, ecclesiastical and theological context of the Cottesloe Consultation is reconsidered. Finally some conclusions are drawn as regards the relevance of the Cottesloe Consultation for our times.


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