Milton and Mirabeau

PMLA ◽  
1934 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1116-1128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Don M. Wolfe
Keyword(s):  
Critical Period ◽  
Civil Liberty ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Significant Interest ◽  
Close Study ◽  
Food And Drink ◽  
The Revolution

Though Milton and Mirabeau were devoted to almost identical ideals of civil liberty, their personalities offer a peculiar contrast. Milton was an idealist, a theorist, a poet; he was abstemious in food and drink, inclined to seclusion, religious by nature. Mirabeau, on the other hand, was a soldier, an orator, a political leader. Whereas Milton was thoughtful and reserved, Mirabeau was animated, impulsive, ever seeking the center of action, forever restless and impatient. Sensual and gluttonous, he was as much a slave to his passions as any of the Englishmen Milton condemned for being so; and in his last moments he turned away, more in kindness than in derision, the priest who sought to shrive him. Notwithstanding these essential differences, Mirabeau found in Milton a kindred spirit; he found in him that flaming love of liberty, that passion for essential freedoms, that lofty and unselfish devotion to country to which he himself aspired. Milton's influence on Mirabeau, many times suggested but never evaluated, is one of significant interest to students of Milton's politics. A close study of two Mirabeau tracts, Théorie de la Royauté après la Doctrine de Milton and De la liberté de la Presse, reveals not only that Mirabeau's reading of Milton strikingly verified his own political conclusions: it presents evidence that Milton's voice at a critical period of the Revolution became the weapon of its most powerful leader. French cries for liberty found expression in the tracts of the Puritan poet.

THE “REVOLUTION” IN FINANCIAL REPORTING THEORY: A KUHNIAN INTERPRETATION

1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Mouck
Keyword(s):  
Financial Reporting ◽  
Subsequent Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Research Problems ◽  
Market Economics ◽  
Economic Income ◽  
The Revolution

A Kuhnian perspective is used to explain the transition in financial reporting theory from an “economic income perspective” to an “informational perspective” (a transition that Beaver refers to as a “revolution”), and to examine the subsequent development of the latter. The demise of the economic income perspective (represented by the normative a priorists) is attributed to the lack of a paradigm which could serve to identify research problems and provide methodological guidance. The success of the informational paradigm, on the other hand, is attributed to the fact that it was, in essence, a sub-paradigm of the broader and well-established market economics paradigm. The study concludes, however, with a discussion of two types of persistent anomalous findings (the first with respect to the EMH and the second with respect to the CAPM) that have the potential to generate a crisis for the informational paradigm.

Probleme de interpretare privind constituționalitatea și capacitatea juridică a subdiviziunilor administrativ-teritoriale

2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
Vlad-Cristian SOARE ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Legal Capacity ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Revolution

"The fundamental transformations through the Romanian state passed since the Revolution of December 1989, have also put their mark on the legal system. For this reason, there have been major changes in the content of administrative law. However, the regulation of the territorial-administrative subdivisions survived the change of political regime, due to Law 2/1968. Moreover, regulations on administrative-territorial subdivisions are also found in Law 215/2001 and in the 1991 Constitution, revised in 2003. This has led to problems of interpretation. Thus, on the one hand, we need to identify who has the right to constitute administrative-territorial subdivisions, and on the other hand, it must be seen whether the answer to the first question, leads to a possible interpretation that would be unconstitutional. At the same time, administrative-territorial subdivisions have created problems of interpretation regarding their legal capacity. Through this article, we have proposed to look at the issues mentioned above."

scholarly journals Forms of Coercion in Peaceful Christian Missions

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-141
Author(s):  
Marius Ščavinskas
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Christian Missions ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
Social Coercion

The article analyses forms of coercion employed in so-called peaceful Christian missions. Two forms of coercion are distinguished: social, implemented by the ruler towards his subjects, and political, imposed by a conqueror. However, the fact that on certain occasions missionaries employed both social and political forms of coercion is also taken into consideration. These occasions were cases when missionaries who faced a polarised nobility lacking a strong political leader (the nobility and/or the ruler would be the backbone of a successful mission) would undertake the formation of political structures, thus absorbing secular functions as well. This happened to the first bishops who worked among the Prussians and Livonians (Christian, Meinhard, Berthold and Albert). On the other hand, the analysis revealed that peaceful missions, as they have been perceived in historiography, contained certain forms of coercion defined by the term ‘social coercion’. Thus the logical question arises: what kind of missions can be qualified as military/coercive which in historiography are most frequently named ‘Schwertmission’? The article suggests the conclusion that, in their nature, Schwertmission were different from the so-called ‘sword missions’, yet were loaded with social coercion. Hence, Schwertmission and Crusade are not identical concepts, though they are still used as such in historiography.

scholarly journals La actualización revolucionaria de los mitos fundacionales de la nación en la obra del grupo Cine Liberación y el cine histórico cubano (1968 – 1976)

2013 ◽  
pp. 241-264
Author(s):  
Ignacio Del Valle Dávila
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Mots Clés ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
National Myths ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Cultural Domain ◽  
The Revolution

Resumo No final dos anos sessenta, ocorreu uma eclosão do cinema folclórico-histórico na Argentina e em Cuba. No primeiro caso, isso se deu principalmente devido ao interesse da ditadura de Onganía em utilizar os mitos fundadores da nação como uma metáfora legitimadora do regime. Contrários a essa tendência, o Grupo Cine Liberación elaborou representações desses relatos que buscavam adaptá-los à contingência, especialmente nos filmes La hora de los hornos (1968) e Los hijos del Fierro (1976). Em Cuba, o centenário da Guerra Grande (1868-1878) e a maior rigidez ideológica em matéria cultural durante o Quinquênio Gris (1971-1976) levaram a que se fomentasse a produção de um cinema histórico que representava a Revolução de 1959 como o produto de um século de luta. Os cineastas cubanos e Cine Liberación coincidiram em sua busca por renovar a forma de representação cinematográfica da História, enquanto o cinema comercial argentino apostou em adaptações distantes desse revisionismo. Résumé À la fin des années soixante s’est produit en Argentine et Cuba une éclosion du cinéma folklorique-historique. Dans le premier cas, ceci est dû principalement à l’intérêt de la dictature d’Onganía à se servir des mythes fondateurs de la nation avec l’objectif d’élaborer des métaphores légitimatrices du régime. Face à cela, Grupo Cine Liberación a élaboré des représentations de ces récits tout en cherchant à les adapter à la contingence, notamment dans les films L’heure des brasiers (1968) et Les fils de Fierro (1976). À Cuba le centenaire de la Guerre des dix ans (1968-1878) ainsi qu’une plus grande rigidité idéologique dans le domaine culturel pendant le Quinquennat Gris (1971-1976), ont conduit à l’encouragement de la production d’un cinéma historique où la révolution de 1959 est représentée comme la conclusion d’un siècle de lutte. Les cinéastes cubains et Cine Liberación ont partagé leur intérêt de renouveler les représentations cinématographiques de l’Histoire, tandis que le cinéma commercial argentin a misé sur des adaptations éloignées du révisionnisme.Abstract At the end of the sixties, there was a growth of historical-folkloric cinema in Argentina and Cuba. In the first case, it happened mainly because of the interest of the Onganía’s dictatorship in making use of the nation’s founding myths to develop metaphors to legitimize this regime. On the other hand, Grupo Cine Liberación elaborated representations of these narratives trying to adapt them to the contingency, especially in the movies The hour of the furnaces (1968) and Los hijos del Fierro (1976). In Cuba, the centenary of the War of ten years (1868-1878), as well as an increase of ideological rigidity in the cultural domain during the Grey Quinquennium (1971-1976), encouraged the production of a historical cinema where the revolution of 1959 has been represented as the conclusion of a century of struggle. Cuban filmmakers and Cine Liberación shared their interest in renewing the filmic representations of History, whereas the Argentinean commercial cinema supported adaptations far from this revisionism.Palavras-chave Cinema histórico, legitimação, mitos nacionais Mots-clés Cinéma historique, légitimation, mythes nationauxKeywords Historical cinema, legitimization, national myths 

“The Party of Extreme Opposition”

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-182
Author(s):  
Faith Hillis
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
New Energy ◽  
The One ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines the ways in which Bolshevism was shaped by the émigré milieu. On the one hand, the chapter treats Lenin’s new movement as a response to the failures of émigré politics. On the other hand, the early Bolsheviks continued the august émigré tradition of living the revolution and depended on the unique space of the colonies as well as the encounters that they generated to define their new revolutionary program. Although the emergence of Bolshevism infused émigré society with new energy, it also intensified its discontents. The Bolsheviks’ polemical stance on the so-called Jewish question proved particularly destructive.

The Failure of Mirabeau's Political Ideas

1951 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
J. J. Chevallier
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
English School ◽  
Political Theorist ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Brain ◽  
Better Than ◽  
The Revolution

“Mirabeau and Sieyès are the two strongest minds of the Revolution,” said Talleyrand who knew both of them well. This is no doubt true. It is likewise true that Mirabeau and Sieyes were at opposite poles from each other intellectually. Sieyès was a political theorist; they called him the brain. Mirabeau, on the other hand, was the least theoretical of men. When the Estates General opened he had no draft of a Constitution; Sieyès, on the other hand, had thought of one and even several.For the whole course of the Revolution until his death in April, 1791, Mirabeau cannot be described by an invariable formula. He cannot be classified in the pro-English school. He wrote to a minister before the Revolution: “the executive life” suited him better than “the speculative life.” Sieyès, and even Mounier, would have been wonderful professors of Constitutional Law. Not Mirabeau. His culture was enormous but disorganized. An omnivorous reader and always with pen in hand, he had made innumerable excerpts from all sorts of books, and drew upon them with no scruples about plagiarism when he wrote his own works. One must be careful to avoid the temptation, to which some have succumbed, of seeing in these plagiarisms the expression of Mirabeau's own ideas.

scholarly journals Kontrrewolucyjna idea Europy. Rozważania Edmunda Burke’a o tożsamości europejskiej

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Romuald Rydz
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
The Revolution

1 listopada 1790 r. w Londynie został opublikowany jeden z najważniejszych tek­stów osiemnastowiecznej brytyjskiej myśli politycznej. Autorem dzieła znanego pod skróconym ty­tułem jako Rozważania o rewolucji we Francji był Edmund Burke — jeden z najbardziej znanych wigowskich posłów zasiadających w Izbie Gmin. Choć Burke w Rozważaniach występował przede wszystkim jako obrońca brytyjskiego porządku i zwyczaju politycznego, to zarówno w tym dziele, jak i wielu następnych tekstach można zauważyć, że przedmiotem jego troski była także wspólnota europejska. Wydaje się, że autor Rozważań jako je­den z pierwszych przedstawicieli ówczesnego świata polityki dostrzegł w rewolucyjnej gorączce roz­przestrzeniającej się z Paryża groźbę dla całej Europy. Owo niebezpieczeństwo Burke porównywał, z jednej strony, do fali barbarzyństwa, która zalała Rzym i zniszczyła cywilizację antyczną w okresie wędrówki ludów, z drugiej zaś — przypisywał mu cechy rewolucji religijnej, podobnej do tej, któ-ra podzieliła kontynent w XVI i XVII stuleciu. Było to więc w jego opinii podwójne zagrożenie, które mogło zniszczyć zarówno podstawy materialne Europy, jak i jej kościec kulturowy.A counter-revolutionary idea of Europe. Edmund Burke’s reflections on European identityOn 1st November 1790, one of the most important texts of the 18th century British political thought was published in London. The author of the work, known under the shortened title as Reflections on the Revolution in France, was Edmund Burke, one of the best-known Whigs sitting in the House of Commons. Although in Reflections Burke was above all a defender of the British order and political custom, it can be noticed, both in this work and many subsequent texts, that he was also concerned for Euro­pean community. It seems that the author of Reflections was among the first representatives of the world of politics at that time who viewed the revolutionary fever that was spreading from Paris as a threat to the whole Europe. Burke compared this danger, on the one hand, to the Barbarian wave that had flooded Rome and destroyed the antique civilisation in the Migrations Period, while on the other hand he ascribed it characteristics of a religious revolution, similar to the one that divided the continent in the 16th and 17th centuries. Thus, it was, in his opinion, a double threat. It could destroy both the material foundations of Europe and its cultural core.

scholarly journals The Connection betweeen Unemployment and Migration at the Level of Hunedoara County and Town

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Dîscă Tiberiu
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
The Other ◽  
Downward Trend ◽  
Population Census ◽  
National Statistics ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Migrant Parents ◽  
The Revolution

The population of Hunedoara County has manifested after the Revolution of December 1989 a continuous downward trend. According to National Statistics Institute in Hunedoara County, in 2012, at the last population census there was only a number of 418,545 people representing the constant population and since 2016 it had decreased with almost 5% in 4 years but counting from 1992 the decrease is of almost 28%. As far as concerns migration, the official figures of the number of the temporarily absent people left abroad for a shorter than a 12 months’ period it was 5,510 and the number of those who were left for a period longer than a year it was 15,215. As follows, the total numbe`r of migrants was 20,725 which represents a percentage higher than 4% from the total number of the population. Comparing the data received from the AJOFM Hunedoara (the statistics is effectuated every year in August) with those obtained from the CJRAE Hunedoara (statistics reported every year in February), - excepting the year 2015- when the effect of the liberalisation of the labour market in Great Britain can be remarked, it can be noticed a descendent evolution of the number of unemployed which fact drags a decrease of the children with migrant parents. On the other hand, a very important decline of the unemployment in 2017 resulted into a diminution of the parents who would leave abroad in the following year.

scholarly journals REVOLUSI ABOLISIONISME PADA NOVEL PERBUDAKAN UNCLE TOM’S CABIN KARYA HARRIET BEECHER STOWE

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andi Amiruddin
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Harriet Beecher Stowe ◽  
The Other ◽  
Literary Works ◽  
Uncle Tom's Cabin ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The People ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Revolution

Literature and revolution cannot be separated from one another. On one hand, therevolution can create literary works from writers who are responsive to the changes that took placein their time. On the other hand, literary works can trigger the revolution in the people who readthe work. In In Uncle Tom's Cabin, the relationship between literature and revolution can be seenin how the movement of the abolitionism group inspired Harriet Beecher Stowe to fight slaverythrough literary works. Harriet Beecher Stowe described slavery in South America and theabolitionist revolution against abolition of slavery.

scholarly journals Abu Al Wared Revolution And The Idea Of Awaited Al Sufyanii

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Mohammad Alesa
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
Political Determinants ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Economic Determinant ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Revolution

The idea of the Redeemer prevailed in most human civilizations, but in different forms. This, however, was coupled with a state of despair and the inability to change the reality. The idea was manifested in Islamic history through religious, tribal, and political determinants. Thus, it was one of the slogans of the Umayyad against the Abbasid authority to denounce their legitimacy in power. The Rebel, Abu Al Wared, used this slogan to establish the foundation of the revolution against the Abbasid power. Nevertheless, they realized its danger and took efforts to eliminate such danger before the spread of the revolution. Savior logo continued to be a way to convince the masses to revolt against authority for a long time, especially in the Abbasid era. In addition, it had a socio-economic determinant against feudal power on one hand and military power on the other hand.

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