Finnish Verbal Morphophonology and Consonant Gradation

1986 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Cathey ◽  
Deirdre Wheeler

This paper critically reviews S. J. Keyser and Paul Kiparsky's “Syllable Structure in Finnish Phonology” (1984). We also treat Finnish morphophonemics using a CV-tier analysis, but account for forms that their method fails on. We posit six stem types in the verbal lexicon and derive the forms of all inflections of all types with just twelve morphophonemic rules. After the stems are modified and suffixes (and person/number endings) are attached, a single, general, phonological rule of Consonant Gradation applies postlexically. To develop a general theory from our analysis, we consider restrictions on rules which may alter stems: lexical rules apply to stems before affixation and only to the final segments of stems; only post-lexical phonological rules apply to affixes. We eliminate all morphological conditions on individual rules and extrinsic ordering conditions.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Linda Aprillianti

The Javanese language belongs to language which has unique phonological system. There are so many foreign language has influenced the development of Javanese. This study is intended to examine the sound change of borrowing word of foreign language in Javanese which is found in Panjebar Semangat magazine. The data is taken from Panjebar and checked using old Javanese dictionary. This study belongs to descriptive qualitative research and used Simak method and Non Participant Observation in collecting the data. The data analysis is done by using Padan method. The result of the study reveals three sound changes of vowels sound and four phonological rules. Then, there are four types of sound change and four phonological rule of consonant sound. The result showed that the sound change of borrowing word in Javanese is influenced by the differences of phonological system between Javanese and the foreign language.


Author(s):  
Marc Picard

In Natural Generative Phonology (NGP), the only phonological rules are those which describe alternations that take place in environments that can be specified in purely phonetic terms. As indicated by Hooper, these “‘phonetic terms’ refer to phonological features (that have intrinsic phonetic content) and phonological boundaries (that have a necessary and consistent phonetic manifestation)” (1976:14). Any rule which changes phonological features in an environment described in morphosyntactic or lexical terms is not phonological but morphophonemic. Since by definition a phonological rule cannot contain non-phonetic information, this entails, among other things, the exclusion of any boundary that is not determined by phonetic means. In other words, the syllable ($) and the pause (| |) are the only boundaries which can appear in a phonological rule in NGP. The word boundary (# and ##) and the morpheme boundary (+), which are determined by syntactic and semantic means, can only appear in a morphophonemic rule.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-475
Author(s):  
Frederik Hartmann

Abstract The sound changes of ‘breaking’ and ‘labial mutation’ in Old Frisian are often referred to as distinct and unrelated phenomena only having been subject to similar processes. In the study at hand, this view is revisited by taking into account arguments on the basis of Old Frisian syllable structure and the particular environments in which these changes arise. The findings suggest that both Old Frisian breaking and labial mutation are concatenations of very similar consecutive but independent changes. This article argues for a reinterpretation of the two processes as caused by the same core phonetic process which is in its essence a backness levelling phenomenon. The two proposed phonological rules governing this process cross-cut previous assumptions about the triggers of epenthesis and thus provide a better fit to the data than positing two unrelated changes does.


1991 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
April M. S. McMahon

The key assumption in the standard generative approach to historical linguistics (King, 1969) is that each sound change is incorporated directly into the native speaker's grammar as the final phonological rule, moving up gradually into the grammar as further changes are implemented. Restructuring of underlying representations by later generations during acquisition is theoretically permitted, but infrequently invoked, with the result that the historical phonology of a language will be almost directly mirrored in the order of its phonological rules. The only extractable generalizations are then that the ‘highest’ rules will correspond to the oldest changes, and that a sound change and the rule into which it is converted will tend to be identical or at least show a high degree of similarity in formulation. This approach casts no light at all on the problem of the implementation of sound change.


1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc E. Fey ◽  
Jack Gandour

ABSTRACTMenn has suggested that most early phonological rules have the effect of reducing the variety of the child's phonetic output forms. This proposal is compatible with the Interactionist–Discovery (I–D) theory of phonological acquisition. This paper presents one child's unique phonological rule which increases output variety and yet still yields a mismatch with the adult form. Evidence is presented which indicates that the rule was a stable and productive part of the child's phonology and that it was both phonetically and phonologically motivated. It is argued that an addition to the early strategies described by Menn is needed to account, specifically, for the discovery of this unique rule and, generally, for later stages of phonological development.


1985 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Rubach

Paul Kiparsky's paper (1982) ‘From Cyclic to Lexical Phonology’ is the most interesting recent development in the line of research originated by Kiparsky (1973) and Mascaró (1976). The major task in this research is the investigation of the ways in which rules apply to phonological structures. Kiparsky (1973) makes the very pointed observation that some phonological rules apply exclusively in derived environments. An environment is derived if either (i) or (ii) is true:(i) the structure which is relevant to the application of the rule arises at morpheme boundaries: the environment is thus derived morphologically;(ii) the structure which is relevant to the application of the rule arises in the course of phonological derivation due to the application of an earlier phonological rule: the environment is thus derived phonologically.


Phonology ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Rubach ◽  
Geert Booij

This study deals with syllable structure in Polish. The central theme is the question of when and how syllabification rules apply in the lexical phonology of Polish. In § i we lay the ground for our subsequent discussion by giving the basic syllable patterns of Polish. We also propose here a first version of the syllabification algorithm for Polish. In §2 we show that syllabification applies cyclically, because certain cyciic phonological rules make crucial use of information about the prosodic structure of their potential inputs. § 3 then shows that the syllabification algorithm has to apply both before and after the application of cyclic phonological rules on one cycle, and that syllabification is therefore a continuous process. In § we argue that the syllabification algorithm proposed in § i must be modified to enable us to predict whether a high [-consonantal] segment will surface as a vowel or as a glide. Since the distinction between vowels and glides is crucial for the application of certain cyclic phonological rules of Polish, this again shows that syllabification has to apply cyclically. § defends the hypothesis that resyllabification is restricted to Coda Erasure (and the subsequent syllabification of the desyllabified consonants). Again, the (un)predictability of the vowel/glide distinction plays a crucial role here. We summarise our conclusions in §6


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 250
Author(s):  
Uti Aryanti

Abstract. The Chinese loan words in Indonesian mainly come from the Hokkien. Many scholars have studied the Hokkien loanwords in Indonesian, but they analyzed from the perspective of semantics and culture, and there is still little research on phonological adaptation. This research attempts to answer three questions, namely, what phonological adaptation do the Hokkien loanwords in Indonesian have in the process of being accepted? Are there sound correspondences between Hokkien loanwords in Indonesian? What are the phonological rules for phonological adaptation of Hokkien loanwords in Indonesian? This research is mainly based on the literature method and comparative research method. Data were collected through literature search and recording. The collected data were processed for natural hearing, a comparative analysis of two Indonesian Hokkien speakers' sound production, and four Indonesian speakers' sound production is conducted. The sound production of the speakers are segmented and coded manually using Praat Version 6.0 (Boersma & Weenink, 2015) focused on the measurements of the acoustic parameters of the sounds produced differently by the two groups of informants and, finally, summed up. Since Indonesian has a more uncomplicated vowel system and a different consonant inventory, when we look at the Hokkien loanwords in Indonesian, we will observe many substitution rules. To maintain the Indonesian syllable structure and phonological restrictions, the Indonesian phonological rules that appear in certain environments are considered to apply to Hokkien loanwords.Keywords: Language contact, Hokkien loanwords, Phonological adaptation


1991 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
John Victor Singler

Pidginized Liberian Interior English (LIE) has English as its lexifier language and Mande languages as its substrate. Broadly speaking, this means that LIE takes its lexicon from English and its phonology from Mande. However, the structure of English words clashes with Mande syllable structure conditions, particularly with regard to word-final consonants. To resolve this conflict, LIE has in some cases restructured the English words and in others created phonological rules to make underlying English forms more Mande-like on the surface. These rules include paragoge (for verbs only), resyllabification, and deletion. In the present study, a variable-rule analysis of LIE performance data identifies the crucial linguistic and social factors that bear upon rule choice, thereby making possible a linguistic assessment of regularities in the rules' distribution.


Phonology ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abigail C. Cohn

In English, a number of rules affect the realisation of a nasal consonant or a segment adjacent to a nasal consonant. These include rules of Anticipatory Nasalisation, e.g. bean /bin/ [bĩn]; Coronal Stop Deletion, e.g. kindness /kajndnes/ [kãjnnes]; Nasal Deletion and optionally Glottalisation, e.g. sent /sent/ [set] or [set'] (see Malécot 1960; Selkirk 1972; Kahn 1980 [1976]; Zue & Laferriere 1979). These rules, characterised largely on the basis of impressionistic data, are widely assumed to be phonological rules of English. Yet current views of the relationship between phonology and phonetics make the distinction between phono-logical rules and phonetic ones less automatic than once assumed and a reconsideration of the status of these rules is warranted. In the present article, I use phonetic data from English to investigate these rules. Based on these data, I argue that Anticipatory Nasalisation results from phonetic implementation rather than from a phonological rule, as previously assumed. It is shown that the basic patterns of nasalisation in English can be accounted for straightforwardly within a target-interpolation model. I then investigate the phonological status and phonetic realisation of Nasal Deletion, Coronal Stop Deletion and Glottalisation. The interaction of these rules yields some surprising results, in that glottalised /t/ [t'] is amenable to nasalisation.


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