A Belated Awakening: National and International Responses to the Internal Displacement of Kurds in Turkey

2005 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 5-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilgin Ayata ◽  
Deniz Yükseker

Internal displacement has replaced the flows of border-crossing refugees as the major form of forced migration across the world in the past two decades. International organizations seek to have a central role in providing assistance to internally displaced persons (IDPs) although this phenomenon comes under the traditional realm of state sovereignty, in contrast to the refugee regime, which is part of international law. The evolving international IDP regime has triggered policy and scholarly debates about various aspects of state responsibility and international assistance. On one hand, when states fail to provide protection to the displaced, the decision to take international action is often selective and depends to a large extent on the balance of geopolitical interests of powerful donor states. On the other hand, extant international humanitarian assistance practices also face criticism for having created new modes of power over displaced groups.

KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-274
Author(s):  
Eveline Vieira Brigido ◽  
Fabiola Wust Zibetti ◽  
Liton Lanes Pilau Sobrinho

This article aims to analyze the potential impact of forced internal displacement on international refugee migration, considering the relation between internal and international migration: Are today’s IDPs tomorrow’s refugees? It is likely that many refugees were forcibly displaced in their own countries before applying for asylum. Therefore, to develop this investigation, this article is divided into three sections. In the first section, it presents a general approach about internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees, including definitions and the bases of its protection under international law. Afterwards, it analyzes data on international migration and on internal displacement. At the end, these data are compared and possible link between internal and international forced migration is analyzed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200272095847
Author(s):  
Jon Echevarria-Coco ◽  
Javier Gardeazabal

This article develops a spatial model of internal and external forced migration. We propose a model reminiscent of Hotelling’s spatial model in economics and Schelling’s model of segregation. Conflict is modeled as a shock that hits a country at certain location and generates displacement of people located near the shock’s location. Some displaced people cross a border, thus becoming refugees, while others remain as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). The model delivers predictions about how the fractions of a country’s population that become refugees and IDPs ought to be related with the intensity of the shock, country size, terrain ruggedness and the degree of geographical proximity of the country with respect to the rest of the world. The predictions of the model are then tested against real data using a panel of 161 countries covering the period 1995-2016. The empirical evidence is mostly in line with the predictions of the model.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-240
Author(s):  
Roseanne Njiru

This article foregrounds the overlapping continuum of local to global fault lines that structure the human security experiences of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Kenya. Drawing on data from the 2007–2008 electoral violence-induced displacement of ethnic minorities in the Rift Valley region, the article discusses how the intersections of ethnicity, national politics, land rights, and global humanitarian politics on displacement positioned IDPs as outsiders in their own nation and how this shapes their ability to live secure lives. By so doing, the study transcends nation-state border focused forced migration to question the relevance of dichotomizing IDPs and refugees, which shapes their protection. The author argues for the need to critically examine the less visible and fluid borders which displace people from their homelands in order to address the human security of all who are forced to flee from their homes regardless of whether they have crossed national boundaries.


Author(s):  
Shedrack Ekpa ◽  
Nuarrual Hilal Md Dahlan

The end of the cold war and the beginning of the new millennium brought with it a new phase in state relations in Africa as more persons became forcefully uprooted from their homes and their rights violated with impunity due to intractable internal conflicts amidst the Westphalian notion of sovereignty which frowns at interference in the internal affairs of any state which was the fulcrum upon which the United Nations (UN) and Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded. This new awakening has increasingly made perception of sovereignty to be people oriented. In the case of the Africa which is the crux of this paper, the eventual change from OAU to AU was significant as the coming into force of African Union’s Constitutive Act and the Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons climaxed major twist in the Africa’s perception of sovereignty and the right of intervention in relation to internally displaced persons (IDPs) within the continent. This article examines briefly the historical evolution of the concept of sovereignty and the right of intervention and their implications in the African context, and being conceptual and doctrinal in approach it analyses the context and legality of the African Union’s right of intervention arising from the regional treaties vis-à-vis the United Nations Charter with a view to vindicating the much celebrated ‘decisive break from the past’. It concludes that African Union’s current stance represents a bold and grandiose expression that is sincerely tailored towards ensuring effective human rights protection and humanitarian assistance for over 13 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Africa. Finally, the article contributes significantly to the scholarly debates surrounding right of intervention in relation to internal displacement as its resolution will in one or the other helps government and other stakeholders in their quest to curtail the scourge of intra and inter-state violence in Africa. Keywords: African Union, Sovereignty, Intervention, Internally Displaced Persons, State Responsibility


Subject Protection for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Africa Significance Internal displacement is a growing problem -- both for the international community generally and in Africa specifically -- acting as a source of misery for millions of people, a barrier to sustained development and a driver of food insecurity. By the end of 2016, Africa was home to 12.2 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 2.4 million of whom were newly displaced by conflict and violence and 1.1 million by disasters. IDPs have long been overlooked under international law, owing largely to sovereignty concerns. However, in recent years, African states have developed regional and domestic protections for IDPs that are looked upon as global exemplars. Impacts The dissemination of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement could empower vulnerable African communities. Corporate and non-state bodies will increasingly embed IDP protection into their African operations. Despite better legislation, many states, who will largely depend on Western partners and international aid organisations, will neglect IDPs.


Author(s):  
Alina Orieshkova

The state cannot be considered democratic, social and legal in the absence of normative legal guarantees that ensure the unimpeded realization of the rights, freedoms and interests of a person and a citizen, including internally displaced persons, and in case of their violation, protection and restoration. Encountered in 2014 with military aggression, the occupation of part of Ukraine, the authorities faced not only the problem of internal forced migration, but also the need to create effective safeguards for the rights and freedoms of internally displaced persons, in particular, regulatory and legal ones. It is highlighted that in the context of ensuring the rights and freedoms of internally displaced persons, one of the issues of discussion is the correlation of international and national law, which requires doctrinal study. After analyzing the correlation between international and national law, it is noted that in Ukraine superiority is given to the monistic theory, which is characterized by preservation of the supremacy of the basic law of the state, with the recognition of the priority of international law over the national one. It is stressed that the norms of international and national legal acts on protection and assistance to internally displaced persons provide an opportunity to ensure the effective functioning of public authorities and local self-government bodies for the protection and support of such a category of persons as IDP. It is noted that normative-legal regulation in the field of protection of rights and freedoms of internally displaced persons is characterized by imperfection and imbalance in various aspects of public life. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of international and national normative legal acts in the field of ensuring the rights and freedoms of internally displaced persons, author’s classification is given. The advantages of classification of normative legal acts in the context of ensuring the rights and freedoms of internally displaced persons are noted.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-64
Author(s):  
Vickie Frater ◽  
Phil Orchard

Counting forced migrants runs into a number of hurdles related to their classification, to their experience of flight, and to the need to use myriad sources of data from governments, international organisations, and non-governmental organisations. To complicate matters, three organisations have mandates to count different groups – the un Relief Works Agency (unrwa) for Palestine refugees, the un High Commission for Refugees (unhcr) for refugees more generally, and the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (idmc) for internally displaced persons (idps). All three face a range of common challenges in carrying out this vital aspect of their respective mandates. These include conceptual challenges, political concerns, competing interests and access. They also face their own political and institutional challenges, leading to individualised approaches and variance across and even within the organisations. In spite of these complexities, there have been significant improvements in the reliability of data and new technologies and registration methods are providing a way forward to a better understanding of forced migrant movements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malkhaz Toria ◽  
Nino Pirtskhalava ◽  
Elene Kekelia ◽  
Konstantine Ladaria

AbstractFrom the early 1990s through the 2008 “Russo-Georgian war,” waves of armed conflicts in the Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali regions of Georgia forced thousands of residents, mainly ethnic Georgians, to leave their homes. More than two decades of protracted internal displacement, marked by tough economic and social problems, led this vulnerable community to a common trap in reckoning with the past: an overwhelming sense of the fundamental ruptures between the idealized past and current, miserable reality. Failures of the displacement policy and “side effects” of numerous humanitarian aid projects hinder internally displaced persons’ social integration and leave them on the margins of Georgian society with almost a singular option: to constantly recall meaningful life in the lost homeland, which they remember as free of ethnic phobias and economic problems. In this article, we suggest that for persons who are internally displaced, memories are defined not only by their past lived experiences and present hardships, but also by the official historical narratives that argue that Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-Ossetian “endemic” unity and cohabitation was destroyed by Russian imperial politics. Living in constant pain also narrows the future expectations of the internally displaced persons. However, it is the past and the memories that are supposed to be useful in achieving the utopian dream of a return.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olihe Adaeze Ononogbu ◽  
Chikodiri Nwangwu

AbstractThe protracted armed conflict in Somalia has engendered an unprecedented humanitarian crisis; one that makes it a leading storehouse of the worst humanitarian conditions in the world. The intervention of the African Union (AU) through its third Peace Support Operation- the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM)- was aimed at supporting the Transitional Federal Institutions in the stabilisation of the country, advancing dialogue and reconciliation as well as facilitating the provision of humanitarian support. The achievement of the humanitarian component of the mission’s mandate is largely contingent on the first two mandates. Essentially, this study interrogated the interface between the implementation of the humanitarian component of AMISOM mandate and the control of the worsening conditions of Somali internally displaced persons and refugees. Anchoring analysis within the classical approach to national security, the study found that the restoration of relative stability in the polity has not widened access to economic and humanitarian assistance in the terror-laden state of Somalia. Thus, greater commitment of major stakeholders, especially the United Nations (UN), the United States as well as the AU is required in the transmutation of AMISOM and Somalia National Armed Forces into a force that is entirely indigenous to the people of Somalia. This will serve as an elixir to the ever-constricting humanitarian corridor that has exacerbated the conditions of the victims of forced migration in Somalia.


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