Managing the Postcolony: Minority Politics in Montpellier,c.1960–c.2010

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMILE CHABAL

AbstractUsing the case study of Montpellier, this article explores the relationship between local political actors and postcolonial minorities since the end of the Algerian War – particularly, the city's pied-noir, harki, Moroccan and Jewish populations. It examines the discourses used to secure the electoral allegiances of these groups and the myriad ways in which they laid claim to certain civic and political spaces. It employs diverse oral, archival and audio-visual sources to demonstrate how postcolonial minorities have gained important concessions from local authorities and how identity politics has developed under the Fifth Republic, despite France's strong republican tradition.

Author(s):  
Remi Chukwudi Okeke

This study examines the linkages between relative deprivation and identity politics in a postcolonial state. It further investigates the relationship among these variables and nation-building challenges in the postcolony. It is a case study of the Nigerian state in West Africa, which typically harbours the attributes of postcoloniality and indeed, large measures of relative deprivation in her sociopolitical and economic affairs. The study is also an interrogation of the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. It has been attempted in the study to offer distinctive explanations over the problematique of nation-building in the postcolonial African state of Nigeria, using relative deprivation, identity politics and the neo-Biafran movement as variables. In framing the study’s theoretical trajectories and in historicizing the background of the research, ample resort has been made to a significant range of qualitative secondary sources. A particularly salient position of the study is that it will actually be difficult to locate on the planet, any group of people whose subsequent generations (in perpetuity) would wear defeat on the war front, as part of their essential identity. Hence, relative deprivation was found to be more fundamental than identity politics in the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. However, the compelling issues were found to squarely border on nation-building complications in the postcolony.


Humanities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Victoria E. Ruiz

Entrepreneurship is typically understood as capitalist, but new models are emerging; these new models, like Welter et al.’s “everyday-entrepreneur,” can be understood in the tradition of techné, in which entrepreneurship is an embodied practice balancing the sociality of identity politics and the materiality of objects and infrastructures. With no English equivalent, techné is typically understood as either art, skill or craft, but none of the placeholders provide a suitable encapsulation of the term itself (Pender). Examining identity against the backdrop of entrepreneurship illuminates the rhetorical ways entrepreneurs cultivate and innovate the processes of making, especially in terms of the material cultures that this process springs from and operates within. Intersectional issues related to entrepreneurial identity present opportunities for diversification and growth in the existing scholarship. A reframing of entrepreneurial identity and continued development of Welter et al.’s everyday-entrepreneurship is argued for, showing how social biases render gender and objects invisible. The article uses data from an on-going study to demonstrate how reframing entrepreneurial identity uncovers the ways in which systemic biases are embedded in the relationship between identity and everyday things. The case study delves into connections between identity, technology, and innovation illustrating how entrepreneurial identity can be seen as a kind of techné, which helps readers better understand identity in relation to material objects and culture—including the biases at work there.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW CUNNINGHAM

A humanitarian crisis occurs within an arena of political crisis and humanitarian organisations are in existence to attend to the consequent needs of populations created by these crises. The political ramifications of the humanitarian act must be considered from the standpoints of both INGOs and states and a way found to theorise the relationship between these political actors. The relationship can be framed in various ways, but most often as a dichotomy between principles and politics mediated through discussions about identity. This paper uses the ‘friends and enemies’ distinction and the securitisation perspective to better understand this relationship. The case study of the MSF-Holland and the Government of Sri Lanka 2006-2009 is explored. Focus is placed on process, audience, and discourse—how the relationship is actually constructed in practice. The perspectives of pragmatism—action versus discourse; temporality—routine versus state of exception securitisation; and agency—who securitises, are employed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Marta Tomczak

Cultural heritage is used to promote political ideas and economic initiatives these days. It is not only a political construct but also a useful tool in both reaching domestic political goals (for instance, building one’s national identity) and developing international relationships (building soft power). This case study focuses on the cooperation of public and private institutions over the project of revitalisation of the Chinese Alley and building a Chinese garden in the Royal Łazienki Museum in Poland between 2012 and 2014. Using the concept of ‘heritage diplomacy’ coined by Tim Winter (2015), this paper analyses the relationship between the key actors that participated in the project and those who have been benefi tting from its results. The analysis shows how cultural heritage becomes an element of strategy in foreign relations in order to strengthen international and interinstitutional relations and how the political actors benefit from the outcomes of conservation and promotion of cultural heritage. It also makes it possible to identify the motivation of various actors while engaging in conservation of heritage on domestic and international levels.


2014 ◽  
pp. 141-161
Author(s):  
K. Heintzman

Pornography reappropriated by feminist and queer pornographers is being reimagined as a site of activist productions, be it through the reshaping of desire or engaging with wider discussions of representational politics. Here, I take up Shine Louise Houston’s feature length film, The Wild Search, as a unique case study for addressing the relationship between debates of identity politics and queer activist practice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-595
Author(s):  
Eleanor L. Rivera

Abstract In the fall of 1906 crucifixes in primary school classrooms emerged as a point of conflict between national and local authorities. Arguments over these crucifixes demonstrate the narrowing interpretations of laïcité in primary education between the 1880s and 1906. Using the Norman department of Seine-Inférieure as a case study, this article analyzes the place of religious emblems in the classroom, the role of local preferences in primary education, and evolving notions of religious neutrality. Classroom crucifixes offer a new lens to examine the relationship between Catholics and Republicans in the period of educational secularization and highlight the movement from compromise to conflict in educational practice during the early Third Republic. A la rentrée de 1906, le crucifix dans les salles de classe de l'enseignement primaire provoque un conflit entre les pouvoirs municipaux et le gouvernement national. Les débats sur le crucifix démontrent une interprétation de plus en plus rigide de la laïcité qui apparaît entre 1880 et 1906. Cet article analyse le cas du département de la Seine-Inférieure, aujourd'hui la Seine-Maritime, pour comprendre la place des emblèmes religieux dans la classe, le rôle de la préférence locale dans l'enseignement primaire, et les différents principes de neutralité religieuse. Les emblèmes religieux offrent une nouvelle perspective sur les relations entre catholiques et républicains au moment de la sécularisation de l'enseignement. Ils mettent ainsi en relief l'évolution du compromis au conflit qui a caractérisé l'éducation primaire au début de la Troisième République.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


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