The relationship between elderly suicide rates, population density and room density

A recent cross-national study reported that elderly suicide rates in both sexes were significantly negatively correlated with household size and the percentage of extended households and positively correlated with the percentage of single-person households (Shah, 2009). Speculative explanations for these findings were based on cultural factors, including (i) a mismatch between the traditional dependence of elderly relatives on their children for emotional and financial support and their children's ability to provide this support (Yip et al., 1998, 2000; Liu et al., 2006); (ii) the unmet traditional expectation of the elderly person being able to live with their children or grandchildren (Yip et al., 2000; Liu et al., 2006); (iii) the effect on the elderly of their children's negative attitudes (Yip et al., 2000); (iv) the migration of children to urban areas or to other countries (Yip and Tan, 1998; Yip et al., 2000); and, (v) the number of available caregivers, household size and family size (Kua et al., 2003). Countries with larger household sizes and a greater number of extended households potentially have a greater number of people available within the household and within close geographical proximity who can contribute positively to these cultural issues, and this may ultimately lead to a reduction in elderly suicide rates – the “emotional proximity” explanation. However, there may also be other explanations for these findings (Shah, 2009). Having more people in a household implies that there are more people to identify suicidal ideation and support the suicidal individual in seeking approprate help. Also, in larger households elderly people are likely to be alone for shorter periods of time, which would reduce the opportunity to implement any suicidal plans. Both these possibilities form part of the “geographical proximity” explanation.