Introduction to Women's Political Involvement in the 100 Years since the Nineteenth Amendment

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-469
Author(s):  
Heather L. Ondercin ◽  
Ellen M. Key

August 19, 2020, marks the centennial of ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, which guaranteed that the right to vote could not be denied on the basis of sex. The Nineteenth Amendment did not radically transform women’s political activism; rather, it was a product of women’s political activism. Women won the franchise in a 72-year battle fought at both the state and national levels. By the time the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, women had been voting for almost 50 years in localities where they already had secured the right to vote.1 The 100th anniversary is an opportune time to reflect on women’s continued involvement in politics.

Author(s):  
Bernadette Rainey ◽  
Elizabeth Wicks ◽  
Andclare Ovey

This chapter examines the protection of the right to free elections in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It discusses the provisions of Article 3 of Protocol 1 and highlights the increasing number of complaints of violations of this Article, which indicates that the Strasbourg Court is giving fresh emphasis to this provision as essential to the foundations of democratic legitimacy of the State. The chapter also discusses case-law on the nature of the legislature, electoral systems, the right to vote, and the right to stand for election.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Saban

This article discusses two issues of majority-minority relations in deeply divided societies. The first is the legitimacy of the transfer of a homeland minority (or a part of it) — along with the territory it inhabits — to a neighboring kin-state against the will of the minority or most of its members. The second is the constitutional validity of legislation that renders citizenship or the right to vote contingent upon an oath of allegiance to the state or to its fundamental attributes. These two interrelated steps, advanced by a central partner in the current government coalition in Israel, are aimed at the Arab-Palestinian minority. This article’s main focus is the examination of Israeli constitutional law safeguards that may prevent the implementation of these initiatives, which I find to be very dangerous.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Eric Langenbacher

It sometimes seems that Germany is a country perpetually caught in the past. There are so many anniversaries that some sort of tracker is necessary to remember them all. Commemorations in 2019 included the seventieth anniversaries of the foundation of the Federal Republic and the formation of the NATO alliance, the eightieth anniversary of the outbreak of World War II, the 100th anniversaries of the Treaty of Versailles, the foundation of the Weimar Republic, and German women achieving the right to vote. In 2020, important commemorations include the seventy-fifth anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, the 250th anniversaries of Beethoven’s and Hegel’s birth, as well as the 100th anniversary of the HARIBO company that invented gummi bears.


2020 ◽  
pp. 610-628
Author(s):  
Bernadette Rainey ◽  
Pamela McCormick ◽  
Clare Ovey

This chapter examines the protection of the right to free elections in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It discusses the provisions of Article 3 of Protocol 1 and highlights the increasing number of complaints of violations of this Article, which indicates that the Strasbourg Court is giving fresh emphasis to this provision as essential to the foundations of democratic legitimacy of the State. The chapter also discusses case-law on the nature of the legislature, the requirements of Article 3 in relation to the choice of electoral systems, the right to vote, and the right to stand for election.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Setiajeng Kadarsih ◽  
Tedi Sudrajat

In this reformation era, there were discourses on the recovery of the right to vote for members of the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and Indonesian National Police (Polri) in the General Election. The willingness of those recovery based on the development of democratization and human rights, that places the right to vote as a fundamental right that cannot be infringed by the state. The problem that arises are how the arrangement of the right to vote for the TNI and Polri in the Indonesian General Election when it viewed from the perspective of the political history and how the legal synchronization between the right to vote for TNI and Polri when it viewed from the conception of human rights in the context of a democratic society in Indonesia. Based on the results, it known that there are setback in the arrangement of the right to vote for armed forces and police in three periods. In old order, armed forces and police were given the right to vote in the election. In the new order, the Armed Forces were not entitled to vote, but the presence of armed forces in the realm of regulated political sphere in particular through the lifting mechanism in the legislature. While in reformation era, the right to vote and vote for members of the military and police were removed, so the military and police only carry out the state tasks without any political rights inherent in that institution. This indicates that the legal arrangements concerning the right to vote according to the perspective of human rights in the context of a democratic society is not yet in sync with each other.


Author(s):  
Celeste Montoya

One hundred years after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, the ability of women—all women—to effectively exercise the right to vote is far from guaranteed. This chapter provides a broad overview of women’s voting rights that emphasizes the intersections of gender and race starting with the woman’s suffrage movement of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and moving to the recent attacks on voting rights and the potential intersectional implications they might have. This analysis takes what are often treated as two separate narratives of voting rights, one about gender and the other about race, and identifies the intersectional interventions that have or might be made in order to create a more inclusive and continuous account of women’s voting rights.


Slavic Review ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laszlo Deme

Hungary was a feudal monarchy at the beginning of 1848 and was part of the multinational Habsburg Empire. Although Hungarian publicists continually emphasized that the country could look back to nearly a thousand years of statehood and national existence, the foreign relations and the fiscal and military affairs of Hungary were directed almost exclusively from Vienna. Internally the country was governed by the native nobility, which constituted about 5 percent of a population of approximately fifteen million. The nobility exercised its power through the Diet and elective county assemblies. Nobles alone had the right to vote. Until 1844 they alone held public office, and most of them paid no taxes. The immense majority—the peasantry—lived in feudal bondage. The taxes of the serfs maintained the state, and their dues and labor services supported the nobility.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-483
Author(s):  
Christina Wolbrecht ◽  
J. Kevin Corder

After a more than seven-decade battle, American women secured the right to vote in August 1920. The struggle for women to have a voice in elections was not over, however. The Nineteenth Amendment states that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” The amendment gives Congress the power to enforce the law by appropriate legislation. It does not, however, empower or charge any government office or actor with ensuring that women can and do cast ballots. This article argues that this reality, often taken for granted, has serious implications for both the incorporation of women into the electorate and the representation of their political interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Pedro Dolabela Chagas ◽  
Dankar Bertinato

Resumo: O artigo compara Asfalto selvagem ao romance brasileiro anterior e contemporâneo à sua publicação, para compreender a pouca atenção da crítica literária à produção romanesca de Nelson Rodrigues. Especificamente, compara-se a construção da moralidade naquela obra com o que predominava no “romance de 30”, aqui analisado em duas obras representativas: a “Tragédia burguesa”, de Octávio de Faria, e Capitães da areia, de Jorge Amado. Enquanto lá despontava uma moralidade normativa e dualista, encenando duas visões em conflito para estabelecer a visão “correta” a servir de orientação moral para o leitor, em Rodrigues não se identifica tal moralização ostensiva, e sim a disposição de elementos textuais que deixam as inferências morais a encargo do leitor. Mediante o conceito de affordances éticas de Webb Keane, analisa-se como as racionalizações e justificações das personagens configuram uma representação aporética da moralidade e um padrão “neurótico” de comportamento, novamente em contraste com o romance brasileiro entre as décadas de 1930 e 1970. Ao final, propõe-se que quatro características do romance de Rodrigues explicam sua pequena fortuna crítica: o humor na encenação do “pecado”; a recusa do ativismo moral e político; a ausência da temática nacional (i.e. da interpretação do Brasil como sociedade, história e cultura); a crítica moral aporética, que não reconhecia a religião, a família, o Estado, a ideologia política ou a ética do trabalho como fontes de autoridade.Palavras-chave: Nelson Rodrigues; moralidade; “romance de 30”; teoria das affordances; história do romance brasileiro.Abstract: We compare Asfalto selvagem to the contemporary and the immediately preceding novelistic production in Brazil, in an attempt to understand why Nelson Rodrigues’s novels have received little attention from our literary critique. More specifically, we compare his approach to morality with what prevailed in the “1930s novel”, here analyzed in two representative works: Octávio de Faria’s “Bourgeois tragedy” and Jorge Amado’s Captains of the sand. While in the 1930s a normative and dualistic morality prevailed, with the staging of conflicts between two visions as a means to establish the “right views” as moral guides to the readers, in Rodrigues there is no such ostensive moralization, but the display of textual elements that suggest moral inferences to be made by the reader himself. Through Webb Keane’s concept of “ethical affordances” we analyze how the characters’ rationalizations and justifications also build a paradoxical representation of morality and a “neurotic” pattern of behavior, again in contrast with preceding and contemporary novels in Brazil. In the end, we suggest that four characteristics of Rodrigues’s novels might explain their small academic repercussion: the use of humor in the dramatization of “sin”; the refusal of moral and political activism; the absence of Brazil (as society, history and culture) as a dominant theme; a paradoxical moral perspective that did not recognize religion, family, the State, political ideologies or any work ethic as sources of authority.Keywords: Nelson Rodrigues; morality; “1930s novel” in Brazil; theory of affordances; history of Brazilian novel.


2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
Jean Stewart

In 2004, as the centenary of women achieving the right to vote in Queensland elections drew near, plans were made to hold a conference: ‘A Celebration of the Centenary of Women's Suffrage in Queensland and the Achievements of Queensland Women in Parliament’. The conference was about Queensland women in Parliament, a joint endeavour of Professor Kay Saunders of the University of Queensland and the Royal Historical Society of Queensland. The conference was held on Saturday, 5 February 2005 in the Red Chamber (the former Legislative Council Chamber) of Parliament House. Speakers were assembled to present a history of the attainment of women's suffrage in Queensland and to recognise the achievements since 1905 of Queensland women as politicians in both the state and federal spheres. The majority of those papers appear in this issue of Queensland Review.


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