Citizenship and Its Erosion: Transfer of Populated Territory and Oath of Allegiance in the Prism of Israeli Constitutional Law

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Saban

This article discusses two issues of majority-minority relations in deeply divided societies. The first is the legitimacy of the transfer of a homeland minority (or a part of it) — along with the territory it inhabits — to a neighboring kin-state against the will of the minority or most of its members. The second is the constitutional validity of legislation that renders citizenship or the right to vote contingent upon an oath of allegiance to the state or to its fundamental attributes. These two interrelated steps, advanced by a central partner in the current government coalition in Israel, are aimed at the Arab-Palestinian minority. This article’s main focus is the examination of Israeli constitutional law safeguards that may prevent the implementation of these initiatives, which I find to be very dangerous.

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-113
Author(s):  
Klaus Vieweg

Abstract Can one speak philosophically of a justified limitation of freedom? Hegel’s logically founded definition of free will and his understanding of right and duty can contribute to a clarification of the concept of freedom. Important is a precise differentiation between freedom and caprice (Willkür) – the latter being a necessary but one-sided element of the free will. In caprice, the will is not yet in the form of reason. Rational rights and duties are not a restriction of freedom. Insofar as individual rights can collide (e. g. in emergency situations), there can be a temporary and proportionate restriction of certain rights in favour of higher rights, such as the right to life. Dictatorships are instances of capricious rule which restrict freedom; the rationally designed state, by contrast, restricts only caprice. What is tobe defined are the duties and the rights of the state and the duties and the rights of the citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


Author(s):  
Bernadette Rainey ◽  
Elizabeth Wicks ◽  
Andclare Ovey

This chapter examines the protection of the right to free elections in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It discusses the provisions of Article 3 of Protocol 1 and highlights the increasing number of complaints of violations of this Article, which indicates that the Strasbourg Court is giving fresh emphasis to this provision as essential to the foundations of democratic legitimacy of the State. The chapter also discusses case-law on the nature of the legislature, electoral systems, the right to vote, and the right to stand for election.


Grotiana ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 396-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustaaf van Nifterik

AbstractAn important aspect of any constitutional theory is the state's power to punish transgressions of the law, or the ius gladii. Although Grotius never formulated a complete, comprehensive constitutional theory, traces of such a theory can be found in many of his writings not explicitly devoted to constitutional law. Punishment even plays an important role in his books on war (and peace), since to punish transgressions of the law is ranked among the just causes of war.Given the fact that a state may punish transgressions of the law – transgressions by individuals within and even outside the state, but also transgressions of the law by other states – the question may arise concerning the origin of such a right to punish. It will be shown that Grotius did not give the same answer to this question in his various works. As the right to punish is concerned, we find a theory that seems to be akin to the one of John Locke in the De iure praedae (around 1605), one akin to the theories of the Spanish late-scholastics in De satisfactione and De imperio (around 1615), and a theory coming close to what Thomas Hobbes had said on the ruler's right to punish in the De iure belli ac pacis (around 1625).Of course, Grotius can only have been familiar with the theory of the Spanish late-scholastics, since those of Locke and Hobbes were still to be written by the time Grotius had passed away.


2001 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Parkinson

Among Arguments Advanced In Favour Of Direct Democracy, legitimacy pleas loom large. If the rules governing people can only be legitimate when those rules arise from and represent the will of all, then it is commonly argued that people should have the right to vote not just for representatives but on substantive issues of public policy as well. To claim otherwise is regarded as anti-democratic: for example, Bogdanor writes that ‘in the final analysis, the arguments against referendums are arguments against democracy’, while Saward asks, ‘What better way to maximize responsiveness of rulers to the ruled than by fostering a system in which the ruled themselves make the decisions?’


2020 ◽  
pp. 219-233
Author(s):  
Jadwiga Potrzeszcz

In this article it was formulated the thesis on the existence of a natural hu­man right to security, and subsequently the analyse of the issue of the relation­ship between the natural human right to security and security as a constitutional human right. The primary objective of the research was to answer the question whether the natural human right to security influences the existence of security as a human right, guaranteed by positive law, in particular in constitutional law. The above analysis of the provisions of the Polish Constitution proved that the right to security as a constitutional human right was not expressly stated in any of these provisions. Certainly, the formulation of an explicit constitutional human right to security raises concerns about the scope of the citizen’s ability to enforce this right from the state, e.g. by means of a constitutional complaint. Regardless of the difficulties raised, it is worth interpreting the constitution­al human right to security from all the regulations of the Polish Constitution as a function of fundamental rights. In justified individual cases of violations, the constitutional human right to security may be derived from art. 30 of the Pol­ish Constitution, which stipulates that the inherent and inalienable dignity of man is the source of his rights and freedoms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Shams El-Din Qassem Al-Khazaleh ◽  
Sayel Mofleh Momani

The implementation of the arbitral award is the final stage of the arbitration process, which is the substance of the arbitration agreement, since the control is based on the principle of the authority of the administration and as it is the focus of this research, the arbitration judgment, as well as the implementation of the arbitral award, will be discussed in addition to the terms of the enforceable judgment, as well as judicial control over the execution of the award to reach the result that the legislator was not successful in organizing methods of appeal by arbitration. The Jordanian legislator adopted the broad concept of executive bonds and then not limited to judgments and decisions, but included official and ordinary bonds and tradable commercial papers. The executive bonds are the documents specified in the law of enforcement or any other law and are the reason for establishing the right to implement execution and Article 6 of the Jordanian Enforcement Law referred to this. In addition, the Jordanian Arbitration Law No. 31 of 2001 approved the implementation of the arbitrators' judgments if the court ruled to uphold these provisions. The focus of our study was to implement the arbitral award as an executive bond and for its specificity as a judgment issued by natural persons with no jurisdiction. Only derive their task from the will of individuals. The parties to the dispute, but the reality that made the arbitration at the present time of the features that make it more acceptable by individuals to settle their disputes from resorting to the jurisdiction of the state, and respect for the legislator and his quest for stability and security made those decisions executive bonds under certain conditions are implemented through them. It is on this basis that this study is divided into sessions and we will address the concept of arbitral award. Then the implementation of the arbitration award and then we will discuss the terms of the arbitral award and enforceable judicial control over it and then move to the conclusion and its recommendations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-74
Author(s):  
Adriana Placani ◽  
Stearns Broadhead

It appears at least intuitively appropriate to claim that we owe it to victims to punish those who have wronged them. It also seems plausible to state that we owe it to society to punish those who have violated its norms. However, do we also owe punishment to perpetrators themselves? In other words, do those who commit crimes have a moral right to be punished? This work examines the sustainability of the right to be punished from the standpoint of the two main theories of rights—the will and the interest conceptions. The right to be punished is shown to be largely indefensible on both accounts: on the will theory, the right to be punished conflicts with autonomy, and it can neither be claimed nor waived by a perpetrator; on the interest theory, a perpetrator’s interest in punishment, inasmuch as it exists, is not sufficient to ground a duty on the part of the state.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dandara Cordeiro de Oliveira Fernandes

This dissertation intends to analyze the performance of the Judiciary in the implementation of public habitation policies, as an effective mechanism and also check them. It will be based on the process of judicialization of public policies as a reflection of this ineffectiveness, evaluating the legal order of the country with a focus on the Constitutional Law on Habitation, which must be protected by the State. Therefore, it will work on the idea of the Right to Habitation built as a Social Law and will start from the problem of the effectiveness of Social Rights, which consequently leads to the inoperability on public habitation policies. And the Judiciary contribution to remedy state omissions and failures in the face of the realization of Social Rights and the Right to Habitation. From the problematic of the effectiveness of public habitation policies and consequently the Right to Habitation, by constructing the conception of justice based on the material equality of John Rawls, will be raised the hypothesis of action of the Judiciary Power and the reflexes of this activity in the concretization of the policies, in view of the growing process of judicialization.


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