scholarly journals A lost war in living memory: Japan’s Second World War

2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
HARUKO TAYA COOK ◽  
THEODORE F. COOK

We examine the strata of memory in Japan’s recollections of the wartime experience and explore the shaping and releasing of memory in Japan, seeking to penetrate and recover individual Japanese experience. Individual memories that seemed tightly contained, when released were told with great emotional intensity and authenticity. That there has been little public discourse does not mean that individual Japanese have forgotten that war, but that the conflict – a war with no generally accepted name or firmly fixed start or end – seems disconnected from the private memories of the wartime generation. Japan was defeated thoroughly and completely, and in the history of memory we see no well-established narrative form for telling the tale of the defeated. In Japan's public memory of the war, War itself is often the enemy, and the Japanese its victims. Such a view is ahistorical and unsatisfactory to nations and peoples throughout Asia and the Pacific. The prevailing myths during Japan's war, developed and fostered over 15 years of conflict, and the overwhelming weight of more than three million war dead on the memories of the living forged a link between a desire to honour and cherish those lost and the ways the war is recalled in the public sphere. Enforced and encouraged by government policies and private associations, protecting the dead has become a means of avoiding a full discussion of the war. The memorials and monuments to the Dead that have been created throughout Japan, Asia, and the Pacific stand silent sentry to a Legend of the war. This must be challenged by the release into the public sphere of living memories of the War in all their ambiguity, complexity, and contradiction without which Japan’s Memory can have no historical veracity. Moreover, the memories of the Second World War of other peoples can never be complete without Japan’s story.

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 910-935 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Moll

Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an “Europeanization” of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (65) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Wium Olesen

Niels Wium Olesen: “‘Completely Correct and Dignified Behaviour’: Politics, Social Control and the Public Sphere During the Occupation of Denmark 1940-45”In order to secure the survival of the Danish state and society during the Second World War, extensive social control was exercised by the Danish government, the political parties and the civil society. The social control supported national unity and set the limits of what was acceptable and unacceptable behaviour in the public sphere.


2020 ◽  
pp. 612-625
Author(s):  
Robert Bud

Repeated press discussion of the upturning of traditional civilisation through science underlies the chapter’s treatment of science and the press explored through three sections. The first summarises an historical scholarship which has gone beyond old categories of popularisation to show how the press constructed science in the public sphere, principally before the Second World War. Secondly, the chapter explores the coverage of ‘applied science’ by the press during that period. It deals with the contributions of such journalists covering ‘modern life’ as Vera Brittan and Storm Jameson as well as celebration of local industrial research laboratories on the one hand and warnings of the danger of new weapons on the other. Finally, there is a treatment of science in the press and its ‘medicalisation’ during the post Second-World-war period. Increasingly, contrasting enthusiasms and terrors have been mapped and analysed by the literature that has grown out of the new scholarship in public engagement with science, and by the broader study of science, technology and society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 131-150
Author(s):  
Marcin Poprawa

World of scientific discoveries in Polish popular press 1918–1939. The main strategies of popularization of knowledge in media discourseThe author of the article has two research objectives. The first one is to describe and analyse main strategies of popularization of science in Polish press 1918–1939. The article also highlights some aspects, tendencies and reception of media text media discourse: picture of the world of science and achievements, strategies used by journalists to write about difficult topics e.g. translating difficult problems into easier stylistic form, used by them rules of “Plain Language”. The second purpose of the article is to overview historical, cultural context and hidden implications persuasive strategies in the public discourse about the role of science in Poland before the Second World War.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Ranka Gašić

The debate over Yugoslav nationalism versus Serbian nationalism and the structure of the new Yugoslav state came to occupy a prominent place in the public discourse of the Belgrade political and intellectual elite at the end of the First World War and again before the start of the Second World War. The considerable prewar interest in Yugoslavism and some sort of Yugoslav state had not focused on the realistic challenges of including a large Croatian and Slovenian representation. The focus of this article is on the reaction of the Belgrade elite to these challenges, their major lines of division and agreement around the questions of centralism vs. federalism, and the national identity of Serbs, first in the new state and then in the later 1930s. Only then, after the efforts of King Aleksandar’s royal dictatorship to impose integral Yugoslavism had ended with his assassination, did the Belgrade elite turn to integral Serbian nationalism.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Åsa M. Larsson

AbstractWhile other fields of the humanities have often brought forth intellectuals taking part in public discourse, influencing politics and society, archaeologists have been wary of sticking their necks out after the Second World War. However, the tradition of leaving it to others to connect prehistoric narratives to current politics or new scientific results is damaging both to the public understanding of our past and to our own discipline. In this article I argue that preconceptions of human past are guiding much decision making both locally and globally, and that it is therefore our responsibility to take an active part and to problematize this. Failing to do so only means that other people will cherry-pick our research for their own ends. More specifically, it will also lead to a drying up of funding in these difficult economic times, as archaeology takes a back seat to anthropology and sociology. I draw on personal experience to offer suggestions on how one could go about becoming part of the public debate and, in the long run, perhaps carve out a position as a public intellectual.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Katherine Kimber-Alldridge

Literature on Anglo-Irish relations in the Second World War has suggested that in British popular and political discourse the neutral Irish were felt complacent, shortsighted, stubborn, stupid, and cowardly. Extreme opinion held them treacherous. However, there was significant Anglo-Irish intelligence collaboration, many Irish served in the British Forces and a significant contribution was made by Irish immigrant labour during the war. Yet ambivalent and dismissive perceptions of the Irish continued and grew during World War Two. This thesis will examine the ways in which contemporarypopular perceptions of “Irishness” were affected by cultural antipathy, the actions of the Irish state, the influx of immigrant Irish workers and the recruitment of Irish volunteers into the British Armed Forces, during the years of 1939-1945. Key questions that appear here are whether the shifting circumstances of war changed attitudes to the Irish, and further if, at time of extreme threat to Britain and her Empire, was Ireland, though neutral, considered an enemy.Concentrating on the public discourse on the Irish states conduct during the war, attitudes towards Irish people and British experiences of Irish immigrant workers and Irish people in the British Forces, this survey will illuminate the depth and breadth of ambivalence towards Eire and its people. It is found that the key to British understanding was acquiescence to British influence, even if this was against the wishes of the Irish people. It is the main contention of this thesis that, because of non-acquiescence, the Second World War was the point when Britain psychically ejected ‘Irishness’ from its national identity, casting the Irish as irredeemably ‘other’, even before Ireland seceded from the Commonwealth. It is also concluded that due to influence of this ejection, for many Eire, though neutral, was perceived as if she were an enemy to Britain.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-507
Author(s):  
Kirk Robert Graham

New developments in social psychology proliferated in Britain and the USA throughout the 1930s. With the advent of war, psychology promised insight into the Nazi mind. Some war departments were particularly enthusiastic about these intellectual developments. The USA’s OSS can claim credit for bringing Frankfurt School neo-Freudianism onto the public stage. In Britain meanwhile, the Ministry of Information turned to behaviourism in order to better understand the British public. But the propagandists of the Political Warfare Executive (PWE), charged with the subversion of enemy morale, were wary of new perspectives. Psychology was valuable only so long as it was practical. For PWE, this meant that psychopathological orientations, which emphasized ahistorical German distinction, were for much of the war favoured over behaviourism or neo-Freudianism. This article examines the role that psychology played in British subversive propaganda directed at Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Did psychology offer any answers to the ‘German problem'? And what made PWE distinct from contemporary propaganda organizations? PWE's particular engagement with psychology demonstrates the diverse and often culturally contingent ways in which psychology transitioned from the academy to the public sphere, and offers new insight into British wartime perspectives on Nazi Germany.


Text Matters ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Camelia Raghinaru

Colm Tóibín’s 2009 novel Brooklyn accompanies Eilis Lacey, a native of Enniscorthy, Ireland of the 1950s on a reluctant voyage across the Atlantic. Her passage reconstructs a common experience of immigration and exile to New York for the Irish working class seeking to escape the lack of prospects in small-town Ireland after the Second World War. Caught as she is between two homes—the traditional Irish culture she emerges from and the new capitalist society of America to which she emigrates—Eilis is placed in a polemical relationship to the public sphere, staked on multiple grounds of in-betweenness: she is a woman, Irish, and an exile. Belonging, for her, is posited on a complex understanding of the tensions between national and transnational identities. Eilis’s parochialism, at first, and cosmopolitanism, later on, are both decisive characteristics that become driving forces behind her social integration and marriage prospects. She is initially barred from promising job and marriage opportunities due to her naivety and lack of sophistication. As an Irish female immigrant, Eilis becomes in the course of the novel a cosmopolitan from the margins, one of the newly uprooted, and ultimately a split self.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 303-312
Author(s):  
Andrzej Leder

Summary In my paper, I analyze hate as one of the important factors that influence and structuralize the symbolic sphere. In the first step, I define the notion of “symbolic sphere”. Then, I analyze hate from the phenomenological and psychoanalytical points of view. My next step is a historical digression, concerning the place of hate in the social order. Next, I describe some important phenomena of the contemporary societies conditioned by the influence of hatred. Finally, I investigate which notions of the social theory are adequate to describe this kind of phenomena. Hate has been most frequently apprehended as a sudden eruption of bare violence. It was supposed to transform the symbolic sphere through sharp, directly aggressive, and often unexpected actions. Nevertheless, in societies wherein the symbolic legitimization of the political and social order was established as the consequence of the Second World War, a deep change in the attitude toward the bare and direct expression of violence took place. Acts of hate in the public sphere became morally delegitimized and symbolically repressed. We should ask then: if the bare violence and the hate determining this violence disappeared from the sphere of social praxis, although they still shape the social imaginary, how are they really founded? Thus, to answer these questions, I will have to ask not about the direct impact of hatred, but about its hidden influence.


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