Between ‘Everyday’ and ‘Extraordinary’: Partition, violence and the communal riots of 1946 in Bihar

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-312
Author(s):  
ISHA DUBEY

AbstractThe year 1937 saw the establishment of Congress Ministries in eight of the eleven provinces in which the provincial elections had been held, Bihar being one of them. The resounding victory of the Congress which secured a clear majority in the province of Bihar and the dismal performance of the Muslim League seemed at the time to depict the mood of the people in general. It was taken as a clear rejection of the politics of communalism and separatism and as an expression of faith in the secular credentials of the Indian National Congress. However, less than a decade later, the province was gripped by severe communal tensions and had become one of the most prominent parts of India from where the movement for Pakistan drew support. This article thus explores the nature of the communal violence that occurred in Bihar in 1946 against the backdrop of the ‘escalating’ communal tensions during the late 1930s and early 1940s. It seeks to problematise the dichotomy that exists in literature on communal violence between moments of what have been called ‘extraordinary’ violence (such as riots) and the everyday structures of (what Gyanendra Pandey has called) ‘routine violence’. Through its analysis of contemporary material produced by the Muslim League, the Congress Ministry and the provincial British administration to explain the causes of the 1946 riots in Bihar, it argues that it is in the moments of rupture presented by riots that everyday structures of violence are trivialised or normalised through processes of ‘dichotomisation’, ‘dehumanisation’ and ‘denial’.

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-305
Author(s):  
Graham H. Stuart

The epoch-marking proclamation issued by Queen Victoria in 1858 announced to the people of India that they were to be admitted freely and impartially to political office. The autocratic bureaucracy of foreigners, culminating in the régime of Lord Curzon, when only about 4 per cent of the members of the Indian civil service were natives, was hardly a fulfillment of the spirit of this proclamation. Nor did the peoples of India consider it such. The spirit of unrest finally took shape in the Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, to give expression to the ideas of the educated classes; and this body soon came to be regarded as the unofficial Indian parliament. Each year it brought forward a list of ills which the government of India as then organized could not hope to remedy.


1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Pandey

From 1919 to 1922 the Indian National Congress carried out its first country-wide programme of mass agitations against the British. For the next six or seven years the party concentrated on the electoral arena. By fits and starts, it also carried on a programme of so-called ‘constructive’ work among the mass of the people. This helped to maintain some of the popular contacts earlier established. Elections, and the bitter communal conflicts that were a feature of the mid-1920s, at least in the United Provinces (U.P.), forged other links.


1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Moore

In 1855 Sir Francis Baring described the Whigs as ‘a body of men…[who] when the people are roused stand between the constitution and revolution and go with the people, but not to extremities’. The Great Reform Bill and Russell's further franchise proposals from 1852 to 1866 were characteristic attempts to conciliate ‘the people’ by extending timely reforms which would preserve the balance of the British constitution. The Whigs had learned the moral of the story of the Sibylline books and accepted its relevance to the process of constitutional reform. Gladstone's Irish Home Rule bill signalled the passing of their moderating influence in the councils of liberalism. However, during the following six years they influenced the Tory government's response to the demands of the newly emerged Indian National Congress. From 1886 Lord Dufferin, the Whig viceroy, pressed for concessions that would ‘take the wind out of the sails’ of the Congress, and from 1889 his successor, Lord Lansdowne, pursued a similar approach. The Tory Councils Act of 1892 was no large constitutional advance. However, it embodied the principle of representation and the germ of the idea of election. That it went so far is attributable to the exertions of the Whig peers, at Westminster no less than in India. The Unionist Lord Northbrook, son of Sir Francis Baring and a former viceroy, proposed a crucial amendment to the Councils bill, and it was carried with the authoritative support of the earl of Kimberley, thrice Gladstone's secretary of state for India and one whom Morley recalled as ‘at the top of the Whigs that I have known’.


Author(s):  
Maria Sergeyevna CHERESHNEVA

We characterize the emergence, beginning and end of the crisis in East Pakistan in 1950 and India’s reaction to the events on its North-Eastern borders. The central figure of the study is the Minister of Home Affairs and at the same time the Minister of States of India Vallabhbhai Patel – a politician of India, a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi and a friend of Jawaharlal Nehru, an indisputable authority in the ruling Indian National Congress, which for all that is very poorly studied in domestic science. Complex personality, the informal leader of India and Congress, he remained on the second place only at the behest of M. Gandhi. A devoted servant of the people, a native of a peasant family, who later became a brilliant lawyer and politician, V. Patel has repeatedly saved India at the crucial moments in history. The study is based on the Indian sources and continues our series of publications on the role and place of V. Patel in the history of independent India.


In article programs are analyzed and activity of the national-patriotic organizations of the British India which was predecessors of the Indian National Congress which has been formed in 1885. Among them are especially allocated the British Indian Association, the Indian Association, the Association of the Bombay Presidency and the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha as they have laid the foundation for creation of the Congress organization. The national-patriotic organizations, bringing up at the population patriotic feelings, supported granting of India of self-management, for the elective majority in legislatures and municipal councils, expansion of participation of Indians in the central and local state structures and in local governments, introduction of a policy of the state protectionism for protection of national business and creation of conditions for development of the Indian industry, crafts and trade, carrying out of reforms in the country, introductions of the civil rights and freedom, racial discrimination prohibition, and also for development of national education, languages and culture. Despite their moderation, limitation of programs and activity, for the time it there was a considerable step forward in comparison with programs of their predecessors. The national-patriotic organizations of 60–80th years ХІХ century have laid the foundation for association of patriotic movement across all India and formations all Indian national organization – the Indian National Congress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236

India has been noted for its independence movements including the non-cooperation and civil disobedience movements under the leadership of the Indian National Congress in general and Mahatma Gandhi in particular. However, in this South Asian country, there is another kind of nationalism that roots in Hinduism. The objective of the article is to explain the nature of Hindu nationalism in India. To gain this aim, the author is going to implement three tasks including giving a brief overview of the Ayodhya dispute; reporting the reactions from India’s neighbors to the Ayodhya issue; and explaining the relations among the Ayodhya related legal fights and responses from Pakistan and Bangladesh, as well as Hindu nationalism. As a result, the study is helpful to comprehend the politics of India and its nationalism. Received 25th September 2020; Revised 2nd January 2021; Accepted 20th February 2021


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-41
Author(s):  
Oszkár Gorcsa

The World War can be justifiably called the great seminal catastrophe of the 20th century, because the war that should have ended every further war, just disseminated the seeds of another cataclysm. From this point of view it is comprehensible why lots of historians deal with the named period. Numerous monographies and articles that deal with the destructing and stimulating eff ect of the Great War have seen the light of day. However, the mentioned works usually have serious defi cenceis, as most of them deal only with the battlefi elds, and a small proportion deals with the question of everyday life and hinterland, and the ordeals of the POWs are superfi cially described. In case of Hungary, the more serious researches related to POWs only started at the time of the centenary. This is why we can still read in some Serbian literatures about the people annihilating endeavors of the „huns” of Austria–Hungary. My choice of subject was therefore justified by the reasons outlined above. In my presentation I expound on briefly introducing the situations in the austro–hungarian POW camps. Furthermore, the presentation depicts in detail the everyday life, the medical and general treatment, clothing supply, the question of the minimal wages and working time of the prisoner labour forces. Lastly, I am depicting the problem of escapes and issues dealing POWs marriage and citizenship requests.


Author(s):  
Katharine Dow

This chapter concludes that the book has explored what the people of Spey Bay think about the ethics of reproduction and assisted reproductive technologies in order to elucidate what reproductive ethics is, not only in the sense of what people judge to be good but also in terms of what counts as belonging to the domain of ethics. In Spey Bay, the key values people associated with “good” reproduction and parenthood were responsibility, care, and altruism and one way they expressed this was in the hope that people—and not necessarily only the infertile or single-sex couples—would consider adoption or fostering before turning to assisted conception. In this ethnography, the book has also introduced the concept of ethical labor to describe some of the characteristics of the everyday work that goes into making a good life in Spey Bay. It has examined what the people thought about surrogacy, maternal bonding, and environmentalism.


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