scholarly journals The National-Patriotic Organizations of the People of Hindustan – Predecessors of the Indian National Congress

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
British India ◽  
National Education ◽  
The People ◽  
Congress Organization ◽  
National Congress ◽  
National Business ◽  
Indian Association ◽  
Indian National Congress

In article programs are analyzed and activity of the national-patriotic organizations of the British India which was predecessors of the Indian National Congress which has been formed in 1885. Among them are especially allocated the British Indian Association, the Indian Association, the Association of the Bombay Presidency and the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha as they have laid the foundation for creation of the Congress organization. The national-patriotic organizations, bringing up at the population patriotic feelings, supported granting of India of self-management, for the elective majority in legislatures and municipal councils, expansion of participation of Indians in the central and local state structures and in local governments, introduction of a policy of the state protectionism for protection of national business and creation of conditions for development of the Indian industry, crafts and trade, carrying out of reforms in the country, introductions of the civil rights and freedom, racial discrimination prohibition, and also for development of national education, languages and culture. Despite their moderation, limitation of programs and activity, for the time it there was a considerable step forward in comparison with programs of their predecessors. The national-patriotic organizations of 60–80th years ХІХ century have laid the foundation for association of patriotic movement across all India and formations all Indian national organization – the Indian National Congress.

Home Rule for India

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-305
Author(s):  
Graham H. Stuart
Keyword(s):  
Civil Service ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Queen Victoria ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Office ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Government ◽  
Indian National Congress

The epoch-marking proclamation issued by Queen Victoria in 1858 announced to the people of India that they were to be admitted freely and impartially to political office. The autocratic bureaucracy of foreigners, culminating in the régime of Lord Curzon, when only about 4 per cent of the members of the Indian civil service were natives, was hardly a fulfillment of the spirit of this proclamation. Nor did the peoples of India consider it such. The spirit of unrest finally took shape in the Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, to give expression to the ideas of the educated classes; and this body soon came to be regarded as the unofficial Indian parliament. Each year it brought forward a list of ills which the government of India as then organized could not hope to remedy.

Mobilization in a Mass Movement: Congress ‘Propaganda’ in the United Provinces (India), 1930—34

1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Pandey
Keyword(s):  
Mass Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
Constructive Work ◽  
National Congress ◽  
United Provinces ◽  
Indian National Congress

From 1919 to 1922 the Indian National Congress carried out its first country-wide programme of mass agitations against the British. For the next six or seven years the party concentrated on the electoral arena. By fits and starts, it also carried on a programme of so-called ‘constructive’ work among the mass of the people. This helped to maintain some of the popular contacts earlier established. Elections, and the bitter communal conflicts that were a feature of the mid-1920s, at least in the United Provinces (U.P.), forged other links.

VI. The Twilight of the Whigs and the Reform of the Indian Councils, 1886–1892

1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Moore
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The People ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Indian National Congress

In 1855 Sir Francis Baring described the Whigs as ‘a body of men…[who] when the people are roused stand between the constitution and revolution and go with the people, but not to extremities’. The Great Reform Bill and Russell's further franchise proposals from 1852 to 1866 were characteristic attempts to conciliate ‘the people’ by extending timely reforms which would preserve the balance of the British constitution. The Whigs had learned the moral of the story of the Sibylline books and accepted its relevance to the process of constitutional reform. Gladstone's Irish Home Rule bill signalled the passing of their moderating influence in the councils of liberalism. However, during the following six years they influenced the Tory government's response to the demands of the newly emerged Indian National Congress. From 1886 Lord Dufferin, the Whig viceroy, pressed for concessions that would ‘take the wind out of the sails’ of the Congress, and from 1889 his successor, Lord Lansdowne, pursued a similar approach. The Tory Councils Act of 1892 was no large constitutional advance. However, it embodied the principle of representation and the germ of the idea of election. That it went so far is attributable to the exertions of the Whig peers, at Westminster no less than in India. The Unionist Lord Northbrook, son of Sir Francis Baring and a former viceroy, proposed a crucial amendment to the Councils bill, and it was carried with the authoritative support of the earl of Kimberley, thrice Gladstone's secretary of state for India and one whom Morley recalled as ‘at the top of the Whigs that I have known’.

The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-196
Author(s):  
Suhail-ul-Rehman Lone
Keyword(s):  
British India ◽  
Mahatma Gandhi ◽  
National Conference ◽  
National Movement ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Conference Leadership ◽  
Jawaharlal Nehru ◽  
Indian National Congress

The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.

scholarly journals Политика Уполномоченного По Правам Человека На Государственной Службе В Республике Татарстан, Россия (Policies of The Commissioner For Human Rights In Public Service In The Republic of Tatarstan, Russia)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Vladimirov Mladenov ◽  
Gine Putri Pertiwi ◽  
Refly Setiawan ◽  
Siti Indarini Nur Faizah ◽  
Abdurrahman Abdurrahman
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
The People ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Government Institution

AbstractThe Commissioner for Human Rights is a government institution that provides protection for the rights of the people in the Republic of Tatarstan, Russia. The establishment of the Human Rights Commissioner in the Russian Federation as a state body is one of the most important achievements of the transformation of democracy in Russia. In the Republic of Tatarstan, the Institute of Commissioners for Human Rights was established in 2000 in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Tatarstan to strengthen guarantees of state protection of human and civil rights and freedoms, to promote their observance and respect. by state agencies, local governments and officials. This study aims to explain how the Policies of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Republic of Tatarstan are related to public services and to find out how the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Republic of Tatarstan provides the best service for the entire community. The method used in this research is a qualitative research method with a descriptive analysis approach. The results show that the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Republic of Tatarstan has made a policy that is appropriate for the welfare of the community and carries out its duties properly based on the main duties and functions of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Republic of Tatarstan.Keywords: Policy, Commissioner for Human Rights, Public Services, Society of the Republic of Tatarstan, Russia AbstrakKomisaris Hak Asasi Manusia merupakan sebuah lembaga pemerintahan yang memberikan perlindungan terhadap hak masyarakat di Republik Tatarstan, Rusia. Pembentukan lembaga Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia di Federasi Rusia sebagai badan negara merupakan salah satu capaian terpenting dari transformasi demokrasi di Rusia. Di Republik Tatarstan, Lembaga Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia didirikan pada tahun 2000 sesuai dengan Konstitusi Republik Tatarstan untuk memperkuat jaminan perlindungan negara atas hak asasi dan kebebasan manusia dan sipil, untuk mempromosikan ketaatan dan penghormatan mereka. oleh badan-badan negara bagian, pemerintah daerah dan pejabat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Kebijakan Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia di Republik Tatarstan terkait dengan pelayanan public dan untuk mengetahui bagaimana Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia Republik Tatarstan dalam memberikan pelayanan yang terbaik bagi seluruh masyarakat. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analisis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia di  Republik Tatarstan telah membuat suatu kebijakan yang tepat bagi kesejahteraan masyarakat dan menjalankan tugasnya dengan baik berdasarkan tugas pokok dan fungsi Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia di Republik Tatarstan.Kata Kunci: Kebijakan,  Komisaris Hak Asasi Manusia, Pelayanan Publik, Masyarakat Republik Tatarstan, Rusia АннотацияУполномоченный по правам человека - это государственное учреждение, обеспечивающее защиту прав людей в Республике Татарстан, Россия. Создание Уполномоченного по правам человека в Российской Федерации как государственного органа - одно из важнейших достижений трансформации демократии в России. В Республике Татарстан Институт уполномоченных по правам человека был создан в 2000 году в соответствии с Конституцией Республики Татарстан с целью усиления гарантий государственной защиты прав и свобод человека и гражданина, содействия их соблюдению и уважению. государственными органами, органами местного самоуправления и должностными лицами. Это исследование направлено на объяснение того, как политика Уполномоченного по правам человека в Республике Татарстан связана с государственными услугами, и на то, чтобы выяснить, как Уполномоченный по правам человека Республики Татарстан предоставляет наилучшие услуги для всего сообщества. Метод, использованный в этом исследовании, представляет собой качественный метод исследования с подходом описательного анализа. Результаты показывают, что Уполномоченный по правам человека в Республике Татарстан разработал политику, которая соответствует благосостоянию общества и выполняет свои обязанности должным образом, исходя из основных обязанностей и функций Уполномоченного по правам человека в Республике Татарстан. Татарстан.Ключевые слова: Политика, Уполномоченный по правам человека, Государственные службы, Общество Республики Татарстан, Россия  

THE EVENTS IN 1950 IN EAST PAKISTAN AND VALLABHBHAI PATEL

2018 ◽  
pp. 183-188
Author(s):  
Maria Sergeyevna CHERESHNEVA
Keyword(s):  
Mahatma Gandhi ◽  
Central Figure ◽  
Domestic Science ◽  
The People ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
History Of ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Peasant Family ◽  
Jawaharlal Nehru ◽  
Indian National Congress

We characterize the emergence, beginning and end of the crisis in East Pakistan in 1950 and India’s reaction to the events on its North-Eastern borders. The central figure of the study is the Minister of Home Affairs and at the same time the Minister of States of India Vallabhbhai Patel – a politician of India, a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi and a friend of Jawaharlal Nehru, an indisputable authority in the ruling Indian National Congress, which for all that is very poorly studied in domestic science. Complex personality, the informal leader of India and Congress, he remained on the second place only at the behest of M. Gandhi. A devoted servant of the people, a native of a peasant family, who later became a brilliant lawyer and politician, V. Patel has repeatedly saved India at the crucial moments in history. The study is based on the Indian sources and continues our series of publications on the role and place of V. Patel in the history of independent India.

Between ‘Everyday’ and ‘Extraordinary’: Partition, violence and the communal riots of 1946 in Bihar

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-312
Author(s):  
ISHA DUBEY
Keyword(s):  
Communal Violence ◽  
Its Analysis ◽  
The People ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Communal Riots ◽  
Clear Majority ◽  
Indian National Congress

AbstractThe year 1937 saw the establishment of Congress Ministries in eight of the eleven provinces in which the provincial elections had been held, Bihar being one of them. The resounding victory of the Congress which secured a clear majority in the province of Bihar and the dismal performance of the Muslim League seemed at the time to depict the mood of the people in general. It was taken as a clear rejection of the politics of communalism and separatism and as an expression of faith in the secular credentials of the Indian National Congress. However, less than a decade later, the province was gripped by severe communal tensions and had become one of the most prominent parts of India from where the movement for Pakistan drew support. This article thus explores the nature of the communal violence that occurred in Bihar in 1946 against the backdrop of the ‘escalating’ communal tensions during the late 1930s and early 1940s. It seeks to problematise the dichotomy that exists in literature on communal violence between moments of what have been called ‘extraordinary’ violence (such as riots) and the everyday structures of (what Gyanendra Pandey has called) ‘routine violence’. Through its analysis of contemporary material produced by the Muslim League, the Congress Ministry and the provincial British administration to explain the causes of the 1946 riots in Bihar, it argues that it is in the moments of rupture presented by riots that everyday structures of violence are trivialised or normalised through processes of ‘dichotomisation’, ‘dehumanisation’ and ‘denial’.

JUSTICE AND SOCIAL CHANGE FOR INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN INDONESIA AND ASEAN FOR DISABLED PERSONS (STUDY ON PEOPLE AFFECTED BY LEPROSY)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Nuah Perdamenta Tarigan ◽  
Christian Siregar ◽  
Simon Mangatur Tampubolon
Keyword(s):  
Inclusive Education ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Disabled Persons ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Central Java ◽  
The People ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Right

Justice that has not existed and is apparent among the disabilities in Indonesia is very large and spread in the archipelago is very large, making the issue of equality is a very important thing especially with the publication of the Disability Act No. 8 of 2016 at the beginning of that year. Only a few provinces that understand properly and well on open and potential issues and issues will affect other areas including the increasingly growing number of elderly people in Indonesia due to the increasing welfare of the people. The government of DKI Jakarta, including the most concerned with disability, from the beginning has set a bold step to defend things related to disability, including local governments in Solo, Bali, Makassar and several other areas. Leprosy belonging to the disability community has a very tough marginalization, the disability that arises from leprosy quite a lot, reaches ten percent more and covers the poor areas of Indonesia, such as Nusa Tenggara Timur, Papua, South Sulawesi Provinces and even East Java and West Java and Central Java Provinces. If we compare again with the ASEAN countries we also do not miss the moment in ratifying the CRPD (Convention of Rights for People with Disability) into the Law of Disability No. 8 of 2016 which, although already published but still get rejections in some sections because do not provide proper empowerment and rights equality. The struggle is long and must be continued to build equal rights in all areas, not only health and welfare but also in the right of the right to receive continuous inclusive education.

From Property Rights to Liberty Rights: We the Corporations, A Review Essay

2021 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-340
Author(s):  
Laura Phillips Sawyer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
State Action ◽  
Unequal Treatment ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
We The People

A long-standing, and deeply controversial, question in constitutional law is whether or not the Constitution's protections for “persons” and “people” extend to corporations. Law professor Adam Winkler's We the Corporations chronicles the most important legal battles launched by corporations to “win their constitutional rights,” by which he means both civil rights against discriminatory state action and civil liberties enshrined in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution (p. xvii). Today, we think of the former as the right to be free from unequal treatment, often protected by statutory laws, and the latter as liberties that affect the ability to live one's life fully, such as the freedom of religion, speech, or association. The vim in Winkler's argument is that the court blurred this distinction when it applied liberty rights to nonprofit corporations and then, through a series of twentieth-century rulings, corporations were able to advance greater claims to liberty rights. Ultimately, those liberty rights have been employed to strike down significant bipartisan regulations, such as campaign finance laws, which were intended to advance democratic participation in the political process. At its core, this book asks, to what extent do “we the people” rule corporations and to what extent do they rule us?

Local governance and the crisis of water and sanitation provision in medium-sized urban centres: Evidence from three cities in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 026909422110353
Author(s):  
Kayode J Samuel ◽  
Samuel B Agbola ◽  
Olorunfemi A Olojede
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Water And Sanitation ◽  
Regulatory Frameworks ◽  
The People ◽  
Efficient Delivery ◽  
Essential Services ◽  
Effective Delivery ◽  
Basic Services

Local governance encompasses the involvement of local governments and other community-based organizations in participatory decision-making for efficient delivery of public services. In the developing world, however, the weakness of the local government and local governance has inhibited the efficient and effective delivery of these services. Relying on water and sanitation data and interviews of relevant officials, this study analyses the structure of governance of water supply and sanitation (WSS) at the community levels in selected medium-sized urban centres in Nigeria. Results showed that majority of the city dwellers lacked access to safe water and sanitation, an indication of convoluted, poorly regulated provision regimes and the waning capacity of local governments to galvanize local actions towards the efficient provision and management of these services at community levels. Multiple provision regimes, weak coordinating and regulatory frameworks characterize WSS governance. Further, the sub-national authorities’ encroachment on local government funds which deprived these tiers of government the resources they could have used in providing these essential services presents a major setback. Local governments require financial and constitutional autonomy to provide basic services to the people and supervise and coordinate the activities of other governmental and non-governmental actors involved in service provision.

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