Edmund Burke and the Anglo-American Tradition of Liberty

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 213-230
Author(s):  
João Carlos Espada

It is proper for more reasons than the most obvious one that I should open this talk by quoting a former President of the Royal Institute of Philosophy, Lord Quinton, whose works on political philosophy I have so much enjoyed—and learnt from.

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 213-230
Author(s):  
João Carlos Espada

It is proper for more reasons than the most obvious one that I should open this talk by quoting a former President of the Royal Institute of Philosophy, Lord Quinton, whose works on political philosophy I have so much enjoyed—and learnt from.In a chapter on political philosophy, which he contributed to the Oxford History of Western Philosophy, Lord Quinton says that ‘the effect of the importation of Locke's doctrines in to France was much like that of alcohol in an empty stomach’. In Britain, Lord Quinton adds, Locke's principles ‘served to endorse a largely conservative revolution against absolutist innovation’, whereas in France the importation of Locke's ideas would lead to the radicalism of the French revolution. Why was this so?


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 463-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth F. Cohen

In the English constitutional tradition, subjecthood has been primarily derived from two circumstances: place of birth and time of birth. People not born in the right place and at the right time are not considered subjects. What political status they hold varies and depends largely on the political history of the territory in which they reside at the exact time of their birth. A genealogy of early modern British subjecthood reveals that law based on dates and temporal durations—what I will call collectivelyjus tempus—creates sovereign boundaries as powerful as territorial borders or bloodlines. This concept has myriad implications for how citizenship comes to be institutionalized in modern politics. In this article, I briefly outline one route through whichjus tempusbecame a constitutive principle within the Anglo-American tradition of citizenship and how this concept works with other principles of membership to create subtle gradations of semi-citizenship beyond the binary of subject and alien. I illustrate two main points aboutjus tempus: first, how specific dates create sovereign boundaries among people and second, how durational time takes on an abstract value in politics that allows certain kinds of attributes, actions, and relationships to be translated into rights-bearing political statuses. I conclude with some remarks about how, once established, the principle ofjus tempusis applied in a diverse array of political contexts.


1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne Norman

This article attempts two parallel tasks. First, it gives a sympathetic explication of the implicit working methodology (‘Methodological Rawlsianism’) of mainstream contemporary political theory in the English-speaking world. And second, principally in footnotes, it surveys the recent literature on justification to see what light these debates cast on the tenets of this methodology. It is worth examining methodological presuppositions because these can have a profound influence on substantive theories: many of the differences between philosophical traditions can be traced to their methodologies. My aim is to expose the central features of methodological Rawlsianism in order to challenge critics of this tradition to explain exactly where and why they depart from the method. While I do not defend it at length, I do suggest that methodological Rawlsianism is inevitable insofar as it is basically a form of common sense. This fact should probably lower expectations about the amount of progress consistent methodological Rawlsians are likely to make in grounding comprehensive normative political theories.


Author(s):  
Anne Norton

This chapter examines how the Muslim question is tied to the question of democracy. In his book Voyous (translated as Rogues), Jacques Derrida referred to the United States and Islam as the enemies of democracy. In particular, he called Islam “the other of democracy.” Only Islam, Derrida insisted, refuses democracy. Derrida was not the only scholar to have made that claim. His account echoes Samuel Huntington. John Rawls thought Islam so alien that he was obliged to treat it separately. There are countless scholars, left and right, Anglo-American and Continental, who have insisted that Islam is the other of democracy. The chapter suggests that political philosophy in the Muslim (but not simply Muslim) tradition offers visions of democracy, cosmopolitanism, immigration, and integration that are remarkably familiar.


2021 ◽  
pp. 116-138
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters

The Anglo-American tradition is perhaps the most difficult to characterize. Although there are common roots, there has been a divergence between the United Kingdom and other Westminster systems and the United States. There are common roots among these cases, including a contractarian conception of the state, an emphasis on the separation of politics and administration, an emphasis on management rather than law in the role definition of public administrators, and less commitment to uniformity. But these common values are interpreted and implemented differently in the different countries. For example, the United States has a more developed system of administrative law than do most of the Westminster systems. All these administrative systems, however, have been more receptive to the ideas of New Public Management (NPM) than have other governments, although the United States and Canada had implemented many of those ideas long before NPM was developed.


Philosophy ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-151

Royal Institute of Philosophy BursariesThe Royal Institute of Philosophy proposes to make available annually four bursaries of £1,000 each, to be awarded to students who are already on courses of postgraduate study (e.g. MA, MPhil, PhD, DPhil, BPhil) in British Universities.The aim of the scheme is to assist students of promise and of proven postgraduate ability to continue or complete their courses of study or dissertations. Each Bursary will last for one year and will not be renewable, although successful candidates from one year will be able to re-apply for a second bursary in a succeeding year (to a maximum of two bursaries in toto).In order to apply, a candidate must submit a CV, a 1-2 page account of his or her future research and/or programme of study and the names of two academic referees from the institution at which he or she is currently studying. At the end of their tenure of a bursary, successful candidates will be expected to make a report to the Royal Institute of Philosophy on their academic progress.Candidates will not normally be called for interview. In making the awards, the Royal Institute of Philosophy will attempt to select one candidate annually from each of the following subdivisions of philosophy:1. Epistemology, Metaphysics, Philosophy of Science2. Philosophical Logic, Philosophies of Mind and Language3. Moral and Political Philosophy4. Aesthetics, Philosophy of Religion, Law and History (These areas may be treated by reference to the History of Philosophy).The bursaries will run from the beginning to the end of the academic year and will begin in September 1998. Those who wish to apply for the 1998-99 awards should submit their applications by 1 May, 1998 to the Secretary, Royal Institute of Philosophy, 14, Gordon Square, London WC1H 0AG. Those applying will be notified of the decision of the Royal Institute of Philosophy in July, 1998.


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