The ‘Sandline Affair’: Papua New Guinea Resorts to Mercenarism to End the Bougainville Conflict

1998 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim McCormack

For at least a decade, die Government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) has been engaged in armed efforts to terminate a secessionist movement on the island of Bougainville off the South East coast of the PNG mainland. In late 1996, the government agreed to hire the firm of Sandline International to provide mercenary assistance, in a desperate bid to regain effective control of Bougainville. In an ironical twist to the cycle of violence and missed opportunities for peaceful resolution of the conflict, the controversial decision to engage Sandline proved to be the very catalyst to facilitate a process which appears to offer a real prospect for a negotiated settlement to the dispute.The public disclosure of the decision of the then-Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, to resort to mercenarism was condemned by regional governments and resulted in widespread civil disturbance in PNG. Ultimately, the Chan Government was overthrown in a general election and the new government of Prime Minister Bill Skate has participated in the negotiation of an agreement to establish an independent Truce Monitoring Group and an end to me Bougainville conflict.

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Emily Matasororo

Commentary: A widespread student national boycott of classes and protests against the government of Peter O’Neill in Papua New Guinea during May and June 2016, supported by many civil society groups and activists. The epicentre of these protests was the University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) in the nation's capital, Port Moresby. Demonstrations stirred by allegations of corruption against Prime Minister O'Neill grew in intensity until police opened fire on peaceful protesters on June 8. The protests were largely organised by the elected UPNG Student Representative Council, which entered into alliances with other tertiary student bodies, especially at the University of Technology in Lae, and civil society groups such as UPNG Focus and the Community Coalition Against Corruption. The essential argument of the students was that instead of thwarting investigations into allegations that $30 million of fraudulent legal bills were paid to the legal firm Paraka Lawyers, O’Neill should resign from office and present himself to the police investigators for questioning as they had demanded. This article focuses on the student leadership’s role and critiques the coverage of two major national press outlets, the PNG Post-Courier and The National, leading to the temporary shutdown of the university. It argues that there were issues of ethics and integrity at stake with both students and the news media.


Author(s):  
R.J. May

Before Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, its military consisted of a Pacific Island Regiment under the Australian Army’s Northern Command. In preparation for independence, there was considerable debate over whether the independent country should have a military force. Provision was made for the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) in the constitution, with a strong emphasis on the supremacy of the civilian authority. In the first decade of independence, the PNGDF was called out to assist police in internal security operations, but the priority of its role in internal security was not officially recognized until 1991. The deployment of the PNGDF to Bougainville to assist police in operations against what became the separatist Bougainville Revolutionary Army involved a heavy commitment of troops to a long-running conflict and was marked by a number of confrontations between the military and political leaders. This culminated in the Sandline affair, in which the PNGDF commander stepped in to terminate a contract between the government and the military consultants Sandline International and called on the prime minister to resign (but did not attempt to take over the government). After the Sandline affair and with the Bougainville Peace Agreement, relations between government and military improved, but several incidents involving PNGDF personnel led Prime Minister Morauta to speak of a “culture of instability” within the PNGDF and to invite a review by a Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group. Confrontations between the military and government, however, have consistently stopped short of attempted coup. The most plausible explanation for this may lie in the localized, competitive, and fractious nature of political power in Papua New Guinea, the absence of a dominant ethnic group, and the difficulties that even a legitimate, elected government has in maintaining law and order and service delivery across the country.


Subject The political and economic outlook for Papua New Guinea. Significance Despite combined GDP growth of nearly 20% over the last two years, the fall in commodity prices has exposed the downside risks in the government's economic strategy and seriously damaged its political credibility. A government cash crisis driven by a 20% fall in expected revenues in 2015 is fracturing the country's politics. Papua New Guinea (PNG) has a history of getting through crises, although this has usually involved a changing of the prime minister and an IMF programme. Impacts The government budget crisis and foreign exchange shortages will hurt growth in 2016. There is a risk of forced sale of foreign-owned businesses and land. Foreign exchange shortages may be the greatest risk to businesses.


Subject The political outlook for Papua New Guinea under a new government. Significance Legislators have elected former Finance Minister James Marape as prime minister. He replaces Peter O’Neill, who resigned ahead of a no-confidence vote. Marape has promised to “take back the economy” and a “change of direction” in handling major resource extraction projects to achieve better returns for the government and people. Impacts The change in leadership may result in better governance and more consultation on policy formulation. Dealing with disgruntled landowner groups poses real problems for resource project management. The country will remain heavily dependent on foreign investment in resource projects, particularly mining, oil and gas.


2021 ◽  

The public–private partnership (PPP) market in Papua New Guinea is at a nascent stage. The country has witnessed six financially closed projects with an investment of $433 million and predominantly in the energy sector. The small number of PPPs stems from the lack of a robust enabling framework, limited public sector capacities to design and manage PPPs, and constrained ability of the government to fund infrastructure development. Realizing the critical role of PPPs in helping achieve the country’s infrastructure investment target, the government is implementing the PPP Act of 2014 and setting up enabling institutions to increase financing and investment opportunities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Elly Kinkin

<p>This research is a study of the Papua New Guinea (PNG) Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) project, the country’s biggest single investment in the extractive industry. The focus of the research is on understanding the impact and effect of the project on the country and in particular the distribution of the revenue and the influences on the distribution of the revenue. An additional area that was also looked at was the financial transparency and accountability of these distributions. The research arose in direct response to the fact that Papua New Guinea (PNG), which is well endowed with a wide range of natural resources, does not seem to use its natural wealth effectively to improve the human development of its people. The exploitation of these resources has in fact been associated with recurring fiscal and monetary crises, concentrations of investment in the minerals and petroleum sector, no improvement in the basic public services, and corruption at all levels of government. There has also been a persistent rising level of socio-economic inequality in the immediate communities hosting major resource projects and increasing poverty in the urban areas and pockets of rural areas. The research took a case study approach and used a multi-disciplinary lens by looking at the political, economic and anthropological literature and gleaning from them propositions about the influences on the distribution of revenues. In particular the case was used to investigate propositions related to the “resources curse” hypothesis that, in the absence of good governance, developing country governments are at risk to economic and fiscal mismanagement and corruption from the availability of resource rents from extractive industries. The research gathered evidence from people from project-specific documents made available largely through social media, accessible budget papers, parliamentary proceedings (Hansard), Acts of Parliament, government policy edicts, statements and press releases and websites of key government departments, state owned enterprises and the companies involved in the project, and some interviews of key informants. The Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI) reports on PNG were also specifically examined. The project has been exporting LNG now since 2014. While the construction of the project had a significant effect on economic growth, wages and prices and the exchange rate, the longer-term effects are more contestable. Returns to the economy and government revenues have been lower than forecast due to lower prices but also the effect of tax concessions and debt servicing leading to flows offshore larger than forecast. The government and landowners were making decisions based on a flawed projection and information to the extent that the government has been unable to sequester any revenues in a Sovereign Wealth Fund. Continued volatility in petroleum prices has affected government budget planning but overoptimistic forecasting of revenues including from the PNG (LNG) project, particularly in 2014-16, led to ballooning deficits. For short-term political reasons, government budgeting has tended to over-commit to new spending during the commodity booms and be forced in the downswings into cutbacks damaging to public services and investment or to rapid increases in broadly defined public debt. Budgets also pre-committed project revenues to new public expenditure project. The key point was the lack of attention being given to the downside risks of revenue projections supplied by the operator. The politics of access to resource rents have played out in the form of relations between local landholders and the government and in how the executive power has been able to structure access to project revenues nationally. The project also has had a destabilizing effect on local society where local-national relations have influenced the national politics of resource rent distribution and conversely have been put under pressure over contestation of the project impacts and access to benefits. Further, landholders have to date not received their full financial entitlements from the project despite the promises being made by successive governments since 2009. There has been ongoing discontent amongst landholders. The lack of transparency about the use of project revenues, particularly those not accruing directly to the Public Account, has contributed to this discontent. The research also found the few key project agreements have been officially released but much information has its way into the public domain via social media. Budget-related information has been more plentiful but the EITI has been hampered by poor financial reporting by public organisations receiving and managing revenues. When project information does enter the public and government is forced to acknowledge it, it can influence how government conducts its business and makes decisions.</p>


Subject The outlook for politics and the economy in Papua New Guinea. Significance Prime Minister Peter O’Neill has consolidated his government since winning elections in mid-2017. However, economic growth in Papua New Guinea (PNG) has slowed, forcing the government to rein in its spending plans. A 19-billion-dollar liquefied natural gas (LNG) project has not generated the expected fiscal windfall, with most of the revenue still needed to repay the cost of the earlier infrastructure investment. Impacts Links with China are likely to strengthen after President Xi Jinping's visit next month. O'Neill will consolidate his position through the courts and police. Bougainville cannot afford independence unless it can negotiate with mining firms to reopen the Panguna copper mine.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Elly Kinkin

<p>This research is a study of the Papua New Guinea (PNG) Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) project, the country’s biggest single investment in the extractive industry. The focus of the research is on understanding the impact and effect of the project on the country and in particular the distribution of the revenue and the influences on the distribution of the revenue. An additional area that was also looked at was the financial transparency and accountability of these distributions. The research arose in direct response to the fact that Papua New Guinea (PNG), which is well endowed with a wide range of natural resources, does not seem to use its natural wealth effectively to improve the human development of its people. The exploitation of these resources has in fact been associated with recurring fiscal and monetary crises, concentrations of investment in the minerals and petroleum sector, no improvement in the basic public services, and corruption at all levels of government. There has also been a persistent rising level of socio-economic inequality in the immediate communities hosting major resource projects and increasing poverty in the urban areas and pockets of rural areas. The research took a case study approach and used a multi-disciplinary lens by looking at the political, economic and anthropological literature and gleaning from them propositions about the influences on the distribution of revenues. In particular the case was used to investigate propositions related to the “resources curse” hypothesis that, in the absence of good governance, developing country governments are at risk to economic and fiscal mismanagement and corruption from the availability of resource rents from extractive industries. The research gathered evidence from people from project-specific documents made available largely through social media, accessible budget papers, parliamentary proceedings (Hansard), Acts of Parliament, government policy edicts, statements and press releases and websites of key government departments, state owned enterprises and the companies involved in the project, and some interviews of key informants. The Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI) reports on PNG were also specifically examined. The project has been exporting LNG now since 2014. While the construction of the project had a significant effect on economic growth, wages and prices and the exchange rate, the longer-term effects are more contestable. Returns to the economy and government revenues have been lower than forecast due to lower prices but also the effect of tax concessions and debt servicing leading to flows offshore larger than forecast. The government and landowners were making decisions based on a flawed projection and information to the extent that the government has been unable to sequester any revenues in a Sovereign Wealth Fund. Continued volatility in petroleum prices has affected government budget planning but overoptimistic forecasting of revenues including from the PNG (LNG) project, particularly in 2014-16, led to ballooning deficits. For short-term political reasons, government budgeting has tended to over-commit to new spending during the commodity booms and be forced in the downswings into cutbacks damaging to public services and investment or to rapid increases in broadly defined public debt. Budgets also pre-committed project revenues to new public expenditure project. The key point was the lack of attention being given to the downside risks of revenue projections supplied by the operator. The politics of access to resource rents have played out in the form of relations between local landholders and the government and in how the executive power has been able to structure access to project revenues nationally. The project also has had a destabilizing effect on local society where local-national relations have influenced the national politics of resource rent distribution and conversely have been put under pressure over contestation of the project impacts and access to benefits. Further, landholders have to date not received their full financial entitlements from the project despite the promises being made by successive governments since 2009. There has been ongoing discontent amongst landholders. The lack of transparency about the use of project revenues, particularly those not accruing directly to the Public Account, has contributed to this discontent. The research also found the few key project agreements have been officially released but much information has its way into the public domain via social media. Budget-related information has been more plentiful but the EITI has been hampered by poor financial reporting by public organisations receiving and managing revenues. When project information does enter the public and government is forced to acknowledge it, it can influence how government conducts its business and makes decisions.</p>


2001 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-133
Author(s):  
Uni Tavur

"Afternoon session opens debate on World Bank (WB) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) intiated land mobilisation programme. Students express concern about the Government being used by the two monetary organisations to "sell" Papua New Guinea to foreign developers. By the end of the day, students declared war on the WB and IMF!"


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